Matthew 26:3

Mat 26:3-5. The chief priests, and the scribes, and the elders — They together constituted the sanhedrim, or great council, which had the supreme authority both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. Assembled together unto the palace of the high-priest — Namely, to deliberate how they might take Jesus, and put him to death; and consulted how they might take him by subtlety — Privately, by some artifice, without giving an alarm to his friends. But they said, Not on the feast-day — This was the result of human wisdom. But when Judas came, they changed their purpose. So the counsel of God took place, and the true paschal Lamb was offered up on the great day of the paschal solemnity.

Joseph Benson's Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1811–1818) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

26:3 The residence of Caiaphas, the high priest, was near the Temple in Jerusalem’s Upper City. Since it was not the normal meeting place, this gathering was ad hoc, urgent, and probably secretive. The council chamber, the traditional meeting place for the Sanhedrin, was located either at the southern end of the Court of the Israelites in the Temple, or on the western edge of the Temple hill. • Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas (see John 18:13), was high priest from AD 18 to 36 (John 11:49), the longest tenure of any high priest from the time of Herod’s rule until AD 70. His father-in-law, Annas, had been deposed but continued to be called high priest as well (see Luke 3:2; John 18:13, 19-24).

Tyndale Open Study Notes — © Tyndale Open Resources, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

Mat 26:3. Συνήχθησαν, were gathered together) Thus also in Mat 26:57, and ch. Mat 27:1; Mat 27:17; Mat 27:27; Mat 27:62; cf. Luk 22:66; Mat 28:12; Act 4:5; Act 4:26-27.—οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς, the chief priests) They took the principal part in that matter; they were supported, however, by the scribes, the lawyers, and the elders of the people, who formed the remainder of the Jewish council.—τοῦ λεγομένου, who was called) St Matthew wrote for readers of times and places, in which the names of Caiaphas and Judas (see Mat 26:14) would not be known from any other source.[1110]

[1110] This remark holds good rather of the present Greek translation, subsequently written for more general circulation, than of the original Hebrew Gosp. of St Matthew, written especially for the Jews, to whom the names Caiaphas and Judas would be familiar.—ED.

Bengel's Gnomon of the New Testament — English translation (T&T Clark, Edinburgh, 1860) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Mat_26:3-5. Τότε] i.e. at the time that Jesus was saying this to His disciples. Fatal coincidence.

εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν τοῦ ἀρχ.] It is usual to understand the palace of the high priest, in direct opposition to the use of αὐλή[22] in the New Testament (not excluding Luk_11:21). We should rather interpret it of the court enclosed by the various buildings belonging to the house (see Winer, Realw. under the word Häuser; Friedlieb, Archäol. d. Leidensgesch. p. 7 f.), such courts having been regularly used as meeting-places. Comp. Vulg. (atrium), Erasmus, Castalio, Calvin, Maldonatus. This meeting is not to be regarded as one of the public sittings of the Sanhedrim (on the probable official meeting-place of this body at that time, the so-called taverns, see Wieseler, Beitr. p. 209 ff.), but as a private conference of its members.

τοῦ λεγομ. Καϊάφα] who bore the name of Caiaphas. Comp. Mat_2:23. This was a surname; the original name was Joseph (Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2. 2); but the surname having become his ordinary and official designation, it was used for the name itself: hence λεγομένου, not ἐπικαλουμένου or ἐπιλεγομένου. Caiaphas (either = בַּיְפָא, depressio, or כֵּיפָא, rock) obtained his appointment through the procurator Valerius Gratus, and, after enjoying his dignity for seventeen years, was deposed by Vitellius, Joseph. Antt. xviii. 2. 2, 4. 3.

ΣΥΝΕΒΟΥΛΕΎΣΑΝΤΟ, ἽΝΑ] they consulted together, in order that they, Joh_11:53.

μὴ ἐν τῂ ἑορτῇ] namely: let us arrest him, and put him to death! For the absolute ΜΉ, comp. on Gal_5:13. The reference is to the entire period over which the feast extended, not to the place where it was celebrated (Wieseler, Chronol. Synops. p. 367). It is true no scruple was felt, especially in urgent and important cases (comp. on Act_12:3 f), about having executions (Sanhedr. f. 89. 1) during the feast days (although most probably never on the first of them, on which, according to Mischna Jom tob v. 2, the trial took place; comp. on Joh_18:28, and see, above all, Bleeks Beitr. p. 136 ff.), and that with a view to making the example more deterrent (Deu_17:13). But the members of the Sanhedrim dreaded an uprising among the numerous sympathizers with Jesus both within and outside the capital (a very natural apprehension, considering that this was just the season when so many strangers, and especially Galilaeans, were assembled in the city; comp. Joseph. Antt. xvii. 9. 3; Bell. i. 4. 3), though, by and by, they overcame this fear, and gladly availed themselves of the opportunity which Judas afforded them (Mat_26:14). Sic consilium divinum successit, Bengel. To regard μὴ ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ as meaning: previous to the feast! as though, during the feast itself, the execution were to be considered as already a thing of the past (Neander, p. 678; Hausrath), would be quite in keeping with Johns statement as to the day on which the crucifixion took place (comp. on Mar_14:2); but it would not suit the connection as found in Matthew and Mark, because, according to them, the consultation among the members of the Sanhedrim had taken place so very shortly before the Passover (Mat_26:2) that the greater part of the multitude, whose rising was apprehended, must have been present by that time.

[22] Of course αὐλή is used as equivalent to βασιλειον (see, for example, the passages from Polyb. in Schweighäusers Lex. p. 101), not only by later Greek writers (Athen. Deipn. iv. p. 189 D; Herodian, i. 13. 16, frequently in the Apocr.), but also by Homer (see Duncan, Lex., ed. Rost, p. 181), Pindar, and the Tragedians, etc. Never, however, is it so used in the New Testament. Even in Joh_18:15, αὐλὴ τοῦ ἀρχιερ. is undoubtedly the court of the house.

Meyer — Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament — English translation by Peter Christie, edited by Frederick Crombie (T&T Clark, 1880) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Mat 26:3 . τότε , two days before Passover. συνήχθησαν points to a meeting of the Sanhedrim. εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν denotes the meeting place, either the palace of the high priest in accordance with the use of αὐλή in later Greek (Weiss), or the court around which the palatial buildings were ranged (Meyer) = atrium in Vulgate, followed by Calvin. In the latter case the meeting would be informal. In any case it was at the high priest’s quarters they met: whereupon Chrys. remarks: “See the inexpressible corruption of Jewish affairs. Having lawless proceedings on hand they come to the high priest seeking authority where they should encounter hindrance” (Hom. lxxix.). Καϊάφα , Caiaphas, surname, Joseph his name, seventeen years high priest ( vide Joseph. Ant., 18, 2, 2; 4, 3).

The Expositor's Greek Testament, edited by W. Robertson Nicoll (1897–1910) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Verse 3. Then assembled together the chief priests] That is, during the two days that preceded the passover.

The high priest, who was called Caiaphas] Caiaphas succeeded Simon, son of Camith, about A. D. 16, or, as Calmet thinks, 25. He married the daughter of Annas, who was joined with him in the priesthood. About two years after our Lord's crucifixion, Caiaphas and Pilate were both deposed by VITELLIUS, then governor of Syria, and afterwards emperor. Caiaphas, unable to bear this disgrace, and the stings of his conscience for the murder of Christ, killed himself about A. D. 35. See Joseph. Ant. b. xviii. c. 2-4.

Adam Clarke's Commentary on the Bible (1810–1826) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

(3) Then assembled together.—We learn from Joh_11:49-50. that the plan, as far as Caiaphas was concerned, had been formed before, immediately after the raising of Lazarus. What had happened since—the kingly entry, the expulsion of the money-changers, the way in which our Lord had baffled their attempt to entrap Him in His speech—would all work as so many motives to immediate action. The meeting now assembled may have been either a formal session of the Sanhedrin, or an informal conference of its chief members prior to the regular meeting. The former seems, on the whole, the more probable. The “chief priests” were the heads of the twenty-four courses; the elders of the people were the representatives—how elected or selected we do not know—of the citizens of Jerusalem. St. Mark and St. Luke name “scribes” instead of “elders.” These two bodies may have been identical, but more probably the scribes of the Council represented the whole class of interpreters of the Law, who bore that name in its wider sense.

The high priest, who was called Caiaphas.—The name was a distinctive one added to his proper name of Joseph. Of his previous history we know that he had married the daughter of Annas, who had filled the office of high priest before him (Joh_18:13), and who still occupied, possibly as Nasi or President, an influential position in the Council and retained his titular pre-eminence. (See Note on Luk_3:2.) He had been high priest from the commencement of our Lord’s ministry, and had, therefore, watched His ministry in Jerusalem with a jealous fear. We may probably trace his influence in the mission of the scribes from Jerusalem, whom we have seen as opponents of that ministry in Galilee (Mar_3:22; Luk_5:17). The meeting in his house implied a coalition of parties commonly opposed, for Caiaphas and his personal adherents were Sadducees (Act_5:17), and as such, courted the favour of their Roman rulers (Joh_11:48), while the scribes were, for the most part, Pharisees, and assertors of national independence.

A Bible Commentary for English Readers, edited by Charles John Ellicott (1878–1897) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

3. the chief priests, and the scribes, and the elders] i. e. the Sanhedrim or Synedrion (Greek), or Sanhedrin (the later Hebrew form of the word), the supreme council, legislative and administrative, of the Jewish people.

A. The history of the Sanhedrin. Many learned Rabbis endeavoured to trace the origin of the Sanhedrin to the council of 70 elders whom Moses, by the advice of Jethro, appointed to assist him. But it is improbable that this council existed before the Macedonian conquest. (1) The name is Greek, not Hebrew. (2) It finds its equivalent among the political institutions of Macedonia. Finally, (3) no allusion to the Sanhedrin is to be found in the Historical Books or in the Prophets.

B. Constitution. The President or Nasi (prince) was generally, but not always, the high priest; next in authority was the vice-president or Ab Beth Dîn (father of the house of judgment); the third in rank was the Chacham (sage or interpreter). The members were 71 in number, and consisted (1) of the chief priests or heads of the priestly “courses” (see Luk_1:5); (2) the scribes or lawyers; (3) the elders of the people or heads of families, who were the representatives of the laity.

C. Authority and functions. The Sanhedrin formed the highest court of the Jewish commonwealth. It originally possessed the power of life and death, but this power no longer belonged to it; Joh_18:31, “It is not lawful for us to put any man to death,” a statement which agrees with a tradition in the Talmud, “forty years before the temple was destroyed judgment in capital causes was taken away from Israel.”

All questions of the Jewish law, and such as concerned the ecclesiastical polity, religious life of the nation and discipline of the priests fell under the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin.

D. Place of meeting. In the present instance the Sanhedrin met at the high priest’s house; from ch. Mat_27:6 we may conjecture that the Temple was sometimes the place of meeting, but their usual house of assembly at this particular epoch was called the “Halls of Purchase,” on the east of the Temple Mount (Dr Ginsburg in Kitto’s Encyc. Bib. Lit. and Lightfoot’s Hor. Hebr.).

Caiaphas] Joseph Caiaphas, the son-in-law of Annas, was appointed high priest by the Procurator Valerius Gratus a. d. 26, and was deposed a. d. 38. The high priesthood had long ceased to be held for life and to descend from father to son; appointments were made at the caprice of the Roman government. Annas who had been high priest was still regarded as such by popular opinion, which did not recognise his deposition. St Luke says, “Annas and Caiaphas being the high priests.”

The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges (gen. ed. J. J. S. Perowne; Cambridge University Press, 1878–1918) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Then assembled together the chief priests,.... About the same time, two days before the passover, that Jesus said these things to his disciples, as is plain from Mar 14:1. By "the chief priests" are meant, either such who had been high priests, or such as were the heads of the twenty four courses of the priests; or rather, the principal men of the priesthood, who were chosen out of the rest, to be members of the great sanhedrim:

and the Scribes; the doctors, of the law, who wrote out copies of the law for the people, and interpreted it to them in a literal way: this clause is left out in the Vulgate Latin, and in Munster's Hebrew Gospel, and in the Arabic and Ethiopic versions, and in the Alexandrian copy, and some others, but is retained in, the Syriac version; and no doubt, but these men had a place in this grand council:

and the elders of the people; these were the civil magistrates; so that this assembly consisted both of ecclesiastics and laymen, as the sanhedrim did, of priests, Levites, and Israelites (t): these came

unto the palace of the high priest, who was called Caiaphas; his name was Joseph, but his surname Caiaphas; a word not of the same original with Cephas, as Camero thought; for these two words begin with different letters, nor are the rest the same. Now, though a king of Israel might not sit in the sanhedrim, yet an high priest might, provided he was sufficiently qualified with wisdom (u). The president of this grand council at this time, should be Rabban Gamaliel, Paul's master; unless it was Caiaphas, at whose house they were: how they came to meet at the high priest's palace, deserves inquiry; since their proper and usual place of meeting, was a chamber in the temple, called Gazith (w), or the paved chamber: now let it be observed, that according to the accounts the Jews themselves give, the sanhedrim removed from this chamber, forty years before the destruction of the temple (x); and which, as Dr. Lightfoot conjectures, was about a year and a half before the death of Christ; and as others say (y), four years; at least three years and a half before that time: but then, though the sanhedrim removed from the paved chamber, they met at Chanoth, "the sheds", which was a place within the bounds of the temple, in the mountain of the house; and the question still returns, how came it to pass they did not meet there? To me the reason seems to be, that they chose not to meet there, but at the high priest's palace, because of privacy, that it might not be known they were together, and about any affair of moment; and particularly this: the high priest's house was always in Jerusalem, and he never removed from thence; nor did he go from the temple thither only in the night, or an hour or two in the day; for he had an apartment in the temple, which was called the chamber of the high priest, where he was the whole day (z).

(t) Maimon. Hilch. Sanhedrin, c. 2. sect. 1. (u) lb. sect. 4. (w) Misn. Middot c. 5. sect. 3. (x) T. Bab. Sabbat, fol. 15. 1. Avoda Zara, fol. 8. 2. Sanhedrin, fol. 41. 1. Maimon. Hilch. Sanhedrin, c. 14. sect. 13. Juchasin, fol. 21. 1. (y) Edzard. not. in Avoda Zara, c. 1. p. 236. (z) Maimon. Cele Hamikdash, c. 5. sect. 7.

John Gill's Exposition of the Whole Bible (1746–1763) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

3 Then assembled together the chief priests, and the scribes, and the elders of the people, unto the palace of the high priest, who was called Caiaphas,

Ver. 3. Then assembled together, &c.] Here was met a whole council of caitiffs (wretches) to crucify Christ. General councils may err then in necessary and fundamental points: as the Council of Ariminum and Seleucia (held in two cities, because no one was able to contain them for multitude, yet) decreed for Arius against the deity of Christ. The truth of God may be locked up within the hearts of such a company, as in competition of suffrages cannot make a greater part in a general council.

John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon All the Books of the Old and New Testament (1647–1656) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Into the palace or court of the high priest. Assemblies were held in the public places, at the gates, or in the courts of the nobles. (Bible de Vence)

George Leo Haydock (1774–1849), Haydock's Catholic Family Bible and Commentary, 1859 edition — public domain. Excludes Psalms (Douay-Rheims chapter numbering differs from Protestant) and Deuterocanonical books (Catholic canon only).

Mar 14:1, saith, The chief priests and the scribes sought how they might take him by craft, and put him to death. Luke saith much the same with Mark. They had before this been seeking how to destroy him, Luk 19:47; nor was it the first time they had made a formal council about it, Joh 11:47; but now again they met. The place is named, that was the high priest’s hall; the councillors were the chief priests, scribes, and elders. The matter of their deliberation was to kill Christ, and how they might do it by subtlety, for they were afraid of the people, who had a great esteem for our Saviour, because of the many miracles he had wrought.

But they said, Not on the feast day: that was now within two days, and in order to it the city was full of people, and they were afraid (as they were concerned, being a conquered people, and having but a precarious liberty for their religion) of causing any tumults: this awed them, not any great religion for the festival, for all things now were out of order with them. Their high priest was chosen annually, and at the will of their conquerors; some little appearance they had of their ancient religious government, but it was in no due order.

Matthew Poole's English Annotations on the Holy Bible (1683–1685) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

3. Then assembled — The evangelist suddenly changes the scene. While Jesus is innocently, with his disciples, predicting his own death, a dark band of conspirators are assembling to make his prediction true.

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Assembled… chief priests… scribes… elders — The three classes of men here mentioned made up the Sanhedrim, or great council of seventy, the supreme legislature, especially in ecclesiastical matters, of the Jewish nation. The chief priests were, (in addition to the high priest,) the ex-high priests, the heads of the priestly courses, and eminent men of the priestly order. The elders were laymen of age, wisdom, and ability. The scribes were the learned class, whether of Levitical descent or otherwise. How the members of the Sanhedrim were elected is not certain. Of this body the high priest was the usual summoner and president. At his right hand sat the vice-president; at his left the hakim, or counsellor, who gave legal opinions. From these the members sat extending in a semicircle, around the council-room. From the heat of the climate, this council often held its sessions very early in the morning, as in the case of our Saviour’s arraignment. The Sanhedrim’s session-room was at the hall Gazith, at the southeast corner of the Court of Israel. See Plan of Temple.

High priest — The high priest was at the head of the Jewish sacerdotal system, the sacred representative of the nation. Aaron, brother of Moses, was first consecrated high priest, and the orifice remained in his family for some fifteen hundred years. To him belonged the most solemn of the sacred rites, and the decision of difficulties in religious matters. The high priest was often judge in general matters and supreme magistrate of the nation. When invested with the ephod and the urim and thummim, he became the medium of prophetic responses.

The exterior vestments of the high priest were his tunic or gown, richly embroidered, extending to his feet. Next the robe of the ephod, which was a garment put on by an opening at the top, and hung down part of the way to the feet, having suspended on its lower border a row of alternate bells and pomegranates. Over this the ephod, consisting of two richly adorned oblong pieces of cloth, hanging so as to cover the breast and the back, and fastened at the top by shoulder-pieces, gemmed with an onyx; around these was a broad girdle of fine linen, purple, blue, and scarlet. On his head was a turban or mitre, with an inscription on the forehead: “Holiness to the Lord.” The breastplate rested upon the ephod, and was studded with four rows of precious stones, three in a row, bearing the names of the twelve tribes. To these were originally added the urim and thummim, in regard to the form of which scholars differ, while they agree that it was a divine oracle by which God made revelation through the high priest.

Until the time of Herod this dignity descended with due regularity in the Aaronic line; but the Herodian and Roman rulers made changes at will, and appointed a new high priest so frequently that the office became almost annual, and a number of ex-high priests were living. These formed a part of the chief priests mentioned in this verse.

Caiaphas — Joseph Caiaphas succeeded Simon son of Canith as high priest about the year 27, in the reign of the emperor Tiberius. His wife was daughter of Annas, who had formerly been high priest, and was still highly revered by the Jews, and before whom, according to John, Jesus was first brought. Caiaphas was deposed in the year 38, after which nothing is known of his history.

Palace of the high priest — The word αυλη, here rendered palace, signifies more properly the court, or square yard, enclosed in the centre of the building, and under the open sky. The meaning was, however, extended sometimes so as to include, or at any rate imply, the entire building or mass of buildings.

Daniel D. Whedon (gen. ed.), Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1874–1909) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Vers. 3-5. Conspiracy of the Jewish rulers. (Mar_14:1 Luk_22:2)

Then. While Christ was announcing his approaching death, the rulers were plotting its accomplishment. He was certain; they were in doubt and perplexity about it. The chief priests. (see on Mat_16:21) The office of high priest had originally been held for life; but of late the civil power had often deposed one and appointed another, so that there were at times many who had held the post, and who, as well as their deputies, and the heads of the courses, claimed the title of chief priest. These were all members of the Sanhedrim And the scribes, These words are omitted on very good authority by many modern editors. They are not found in the Vulgate, though they occur in the parallel passages in the other synoptists. If genuine, they, in connection with "elders" and "priests," would signify that all the elements of the Sanhedrin were present at this council. The palace (aulhn) of the high priest. This, then, was not a formal meeting, or it would have been held in the hall Gazith, "the hall of hewn stones," on the south side of the court of the priests. It was assembled in the court of the high priest"s house, because it comprised persons who were not Sanhedrists, such as temple officials, and connections of the high priest, forming what was known as the priestly council, which was the official medium between the Roman authorities and the people. Who was called Caiaphas. Josephus ("Ant.," 18:2. 2) speaks of him as "Joseph, who is also Caiaphas;" hence the way in which he is introduced in the present passage. He had been elevated to his high post by the Romans, who found in him a submissive tool. His father-in-law. Annas had been appointed by Quirinius, but after nine years had been deposed; he was succeeded in turn by Ismael, Eleazar son of Annas, Simon, and fourthly by Caiaphas, who superseded his immediate predecessor by the favour of the procurator Valerius Gratus, the tenant of the office before Pontius Pilate. The ex-high priest, Annas, was counted still by some rigorists as holding the office, and he appears to have possessed high authority. (see Joh_18:13 Act_4:6)

The Pulpit Commentary (1880–1919), ed. H.D.M. Spence-Jones & Joseph S. Exell — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

The chief priests and the scribes and the elders of the people - (Heads of families.) These together constituted the sanhedrim, or great council, which had the supreme authority, both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs.

John Wesley, Explanatory Notes Upon the Whole Bible (1754–1765) — public domain. Text via the GEBible commentary corpus.

The conspiracy:

v. 3. Then assembled together the chief priests and the scribes and the elders of the people unto the palace of the high priest, who was called Caiaphas,

v. 4. and consulted that they might take Jesus by subtlety and kill Him.

v. 5. But they said, Not on the feast-day, lest there be an uproar among the people.

Matthew purposely places the two events side by side: Jesus, out in Bethany, solemnly declaring that He is being delivered to be crucified; the chief priests together with the chief council of the Jews, the Sanhedrin, meeting, not in the usual place, which was in a hall called Gazith, or House of the Polished Stones, on the south side of the Temple-space, next to the Court of Israel, but in the open court in the center of the high priest’s palace, where there was less danger of eavesdroppers. Caiaphas, the son-in-law of Hannas, or Annas, the former high priest, held the office that year, Joh 11:49, according to the arrangement instituted by the Romans, by which the appointment was made by the year, instead of for life, as formerly. As they came together in a stealthy manner, so their discussions harmonized with their intentions, which were to take Jesus by cunning or craft, with the final object, as the evangelist bluntly puts it, not of convicting Him by due process of law, but of killing Him. Only one scruple they voiced, namely, that the actual arrest should not be done at the feast, especially not on the day of the Passover meal, lest an uproar or tumult of the people arise, that might rapidly assume such proportions as to be beyond the control of the authorities. It was all a matter of expediency, of policy, of politics, with them; they were a merciless band of murderers. It was very difficult to say which way the whim of the many thousands of pilgrims might sway them at the crucial moment, whether on the side of their religious leaders or on the side of the Prophet of Nazareth. Therefore crafty care was demanded.

Paul E. Kretzmann, Popular Commentary of the Bible (1921–1924) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

3. Then were gathered together. An official meeting of the Sanhedrim. With the chief priests, that is, the high priests, Annas and Caiaphas, and the heads of the twenty-four courses. And the elders of the people. That is, the heads of the great families, the princes of Judah. Into the court of the high priest. The palace of Caiaphas. The body now about to assemble, the Sanhedrim, was the supreme court of Israel. According to Jewish accounts, it was composed of seventy-one members, the high priest being president. The “chief priests,” or heads of the twenty-four courses, distinguished representatives of the “scribes,” and “elders of the people,” the heads of the great families, constituted the membership. It could try and condemn to death, but could not carry out capital punishment without the consent of the Roman authorities at this time. It was mostly composed of bitter, bigoted enemies of Jesus, determined at any cost to secure his death. In the trial the Jewish law was constantly violated. Caiaphas. The reigning high priest, the son-in-law of Annas, who had been high priest, but was deposed by the Romans, but was still called a high priest. Both were Sadducees.

B. W. Johnson's The People's New Testament with Notes (1889–1891) — public domain. Electronic text from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL) ThML edition.

Connecting Statement:

These verses give background information about the Jewish leaders' plot to arrest and kill Jesus. (See: Background Information)

were gathered together

This can be stated in active form. AT: "came together" or "met together" (See: Active or Passive)

Jesus stealthily

"Jesus secretly"

Not during the feast

What the leaders did not want to do during the feast can be made clearer. AT: "We should not kill Jesus during the feast" (See: Ellipsis)

the feast

This is the yearly Passover feast.

translationWords

chief priests

elder

palace

high priest

Caiaphas

feast

unfoldingWord translationNotes — © Distant Shores Media and the Door43 World Missions Community, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Source: git.door43.org/Door43/en_tn.

3. καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς, omitted with all the best MSS. Insertion from Mark and Luke.

3. οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς κ.τ.λ. i.e. the Sanhedrin, the supreme council, legislative and administrative, of the Jewish people. Sanhedrin is strictly a plural form, the old poetical plural termination, -in having become the ordinary form in later Hebrew in place of -im. But from similarity of sound Sanhedrin came to represent συνέδριον rather than σύνεδροι, and is used as a singular noun of multitude.

A. The history of the Sanhedrin. Many learned Rabbis endeavoured to trace the origin of the Sanhedrin to the council of 70 elders whom Moses, by the advice of Jethro, appointed to assist him. But it is improbable that this council existed before the Macedonian conquest. (1) The name is Greek, not Hebrew. (2) It finds its equivalent among the political institutions of Macedonia; finally, (3) no allusion to the Sanhedrin is to be found in the Historical Books or in the Prophets. Cp. Livy, XLV. 32, Pronuntiatum, quod ad statum Macedoniæ pertinebat, Senatores quos synedros vocant, legendos esse, quorum consilio res publica administraretur.

B. Constitution. The President or Nasi (prince) was generally, though not always, the high priest; next in authority was the vice-president or Ab Beth Dîn (father of the house of judgment); the third in rank was the Chacham (sage or interpreter). The members were 71 in number, and consisted (1) of the chief priests, see note ch. Mat 21:15; (2) the scribes or lawyers; (3) the elders of the people or heads of families, who were the representatives of the laity.

C. Authority and functions. The Sanhedrin formed the highest court of the Jewish commonwealth. It originally possessed the power of life and death, but this power no longer belonged to it; Joh 18:31, ‘It is not lawful for us to put any man to death,’ a statement which agrees with a tradition in the Talmud, ‘forty years before the temple was destroyed judgment in capital causes was taken away from Israel.’

All questions of the Jewish law, and such as concerned the ecclesiastical polity, religious life of the nation and discipline of the priests fell under the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin.

This authority extended to settlements of Jews in foreign countries; e.g. it is exercised in Damascus. Act 9:1-2.

D. Place of meeting. In the present instance the Sanhedrin met at the high priest’s house; from ch. Mat 27:6 we may conjecture that the Temple was sometimes the place of meeting, but their usual house of assembly at this particular epoch was called the ‘Halls of Purchase,’ on the east of the Temple Mount (Dr Ginsburg in Kitto’s Encyc. Bib. Lit. and Lightfoot’s Hor. Hebr.).

τοῦ λεγομένου κ.τ.λ. Joseph Caiaphas, the son-in-law of Annas, was appointed high priest by the Procurator Valerius Gratus A.D. 26, and was deposed A.D. 38. The high priesthood had long ceased to be held for life and to descend from father to son; appointments were made at the caprice of the Roman government. Annas who had been high priest was still regarded as such by popular opinion, which did not recognise his deposition; cp. Luk 3:2, where the correct reading is ἐπʼ ἀρχιερέως Ἄννα καὶ Καϊάφα, and Act 4:6, Ἄννας ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ Καϊάφας.

Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges (Cambridge University Press, 1896; 21 vols, various authors incl. Carr, Maclear, Plummer, Farrar, Lumby, Moule, M. R. James, Simcox) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

3-5.] Conspiracy of the Jewish authorities. Mar 14:1.Luk 22:2Luk 22:2. This assembling has no connexion with what has just been related, but follows rather on the end of ch. 23.

ὁ λεγόμενος Κ. is in Jos. Antt. xviii. 2. 2, Ἰώσηπος ὁ καὶ Καϊάφας. Valerius Gratus, Procurator of Judæa, had appointed him instead of Simon ben Kamith. He continued through the procuratorship of Pontius Pilate, and was displaced by the proconsul Vitellius, a.d. 37. See note on Luk 3:2, and chronological table in Prolegg. to Acts, Vol. II.

τοῦ λεγ. does not mean ‘surnamed,’ but (see ver. 14) implies that some name is to follow, which is more than, or different from, the real one of the person.

μὴ ἐν τ. ἑ.] This expression must be taken as meaning the whole period of the feast—the seven days. On the feast-day, i.e. the day on which the Passover was sacrificed (E. V.), they could not lay hold of and slay any one, as it was a day of sabbatical obligation (Exo 12:16). See note on ver. 17.

Henry Alford, The Greek Testament (1849–1861) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

(E) 3. Then were gathered together the chief priests and the elders of the people into the palace of the high priest, who was named Caiaphas.] The verse is not in Mk. But in the next verse he speaks of “the chief priests and the scribes.” Mt. substitutes for the latter “the elders of the people,” as being a more forcible element in the Sanhedrin.

3.Mar 14:17 καὶ ὀψίας γενομένης ἔρχεται, Κ.Τ.λ. In the belief of the editor of the second Gospel this was the Passover meal eaten on the evening of the 14th. But this identification introduces confusion into the whole of the surrounding narrative. For (a) the authorities had decided against arrest ἐν τῇ ἐορτῇ. (b) Simon would not be “coming from work” (15:20) cf. B. Berakhoth 4b, nor would Joseph have bought a linen cloth on a feast day (15:46), nor would one of the disciples carry arms on such a day (14:47).

If, now, we put aside the chronological notices in Mk., the general tenor of the narrative is clear. In 14:1, 2 the authorities decide to arrest Christ before the Feast, i.e. before the Passover. The meal of Mar 14:3-9 took place, as the writer of the Fourth Gospel states, six days before the Passover. On or soon after the day of this feast, Judas arranged with the authorities to effect Christ’s arrest, Mar 14:10-11.

The Passover, the 14th, fell on the Sabbath. Two days before, i.e. on Thursday the 12th, Christ bade His disciples make the necessary preparations for the Passover meal, Mar 14:12-16. That same evening He sat down with His disciples at a meal in which He anticipated the Passover by two days, and instituted the Holy Communion, Mar 14:17-25. That evening He was arrested in the garden, and after trial before the Sanhedrin on the following morning (Friday the 13th), was condemned by Pilate and crucified. He was buried the same day at evening (Mar 14:42).

Thus, as the authorities had decided, His execution took place before the Feast, i.e. on the 13th, and the notices that Simon was “coming from work,” that one of the disciples was armed, and that Joseph bought a linen garment, are in harmony with the rest of the narrative, since the days on which these things took place were not feast days. With this arrangement the writer of the Fourth Gospel is agreed. The last supper was “before the Passover,” i.e. two days before, on Thursday. The authorities would not enter into Pilate’s palace on the following morning, i.e. Friday the 13th, because their purification in readiness for the Passover on the following day (Saturday the 14th) would have been rendered null1 (18:28). The crucifixion took place on the eve of the Passover (19:14; cf. the same statement, B. Sanh 43a, Ev. Pet 3), which was also the eve of the Sabbath (19:31, 42, cf. Das Leben Jesu; Krauss, p. 56: “The Passover fell in that year on a Sabbath.”

It is therefore clear that Mar 14:12, which seems to identify the first day of Unleavened Bread with the Passover day, and which suggests the identification of the last supper with the Passover meal, must be corrupt. The primary corruption no doubt lies in the words τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἀζύμων. Behind this, whether in a documentary or oral source, must lie words which should give the meaning “before the feast of Unleavened Bread,” thus re suming, v. 2, “not on the feast.” The editor having misinterpreted this to mean “on the first day of Unleavened Bread,” is obliged to suppose that the Passover day is intended. The real “first day of Unleavened Bread” would be, as he is aware, too late. He therefore inserts ὄτε τὸ πάσχα ἔθυον, thus identifying the last supper with the Passover meal, and introducing hopeless confusion into the succeeding narrative. The narratives of Mt. and Lk. are entirely based on Mk., and have the same confused chronology, although Mt. seems to have endeavoured to avoid some of the harsher incongruities by omitting καὶ τὰ ἄζυμα from Mar 14:1, ὄτε τὸ πάσχα ἔθυον from Mar 14:14, ἐρχόμενον ἀπʼ ἀγροῦ from Mar 15:20, and ἀγοράσας σινδόνα from Mar 15:46.

Chwolson in his note, Ueber Das Datum im Evangelium Matthäi, xxvi. 17,2 suggests that the original of Matthew ran ביומא מקמא פמיריא =“in the days before the feast of Unleavened Bread”; that the first מ of מקמא was omitted, and the sentence translated as though it were בּיומָא קמָא דפמיריא. But Mt. is dependent on Mk., and the error must be sought in Mk. Chwolson’s Aramaic phrase or some similar expression very probably lies behind Mk.’s τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ In any case, Chwolson is right in regarding this phrase as impossible, and in seeing that what is wanted is some phrase meaning, “Before the feast of Unleavened Bread.”

Chwolson in his extremely valuable treatise, Das Letzte Passamahl Christi, suggests that the Passover fell on a Friday and was transferred to Thursday, because on the Friday there would not have been time for the roasting of the lambs before the beginning of the Sabbath. He thinks that whilst the offering of the lambs was therefore necessarily antedated, there was a difference of opinion as to the eating of the Paschal meal. Some, including Christ, eat it on the Thursday, others preferred to eat it according to the Mosaic law on the Friday the 14th, though the killing had been transferred to the previous day on account of the proximity of the Sabbath.

But Chwolson’s investigations are concerned with the text of the first Gospel, and his suggestions leave unsolved the texts of Mk. and Lk. It is with Mk. that any attempted solution must begin. If we transfer Chwolson’s emendation to Mar 14:12, we may gladly admit that this writer is excellent authority for justifying us in substituting “Before the feast of Unleavened Bread” for τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἀζύμων. But what of ὄτε τὸ πάσχα ἔθυον? Are we to accept this statement with the identification of the last supper with the Passover meal which is implied in it? It seems more than probable that the ὄτε τὸ πάσχα ἔθυον is due to the same writer who has just written τῇ πρῶτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν ἀζύμων. He realises that the last supper could not have taken place on the 15th, which was, properly speaking, the first day of Unleavened Bread. He is therefore obliged to suppose that by the first day of Unleavened Bread the Passover day was intended. And this preliminary error confuses the whole of the following narrative. In other words, Mar 14:12a is so certainly corrupt that no inference ought to be drawn from it as to the chronology of the succeeding narrative. And, apart from it, nothing is more clear than that the crucifixion of Christ did not take place on the 15th, from which it follows that the meal of vv. 17-25 was not the Passover meal of the 14th. But then what was it? Do not the disciples say, Where shall we make ready the Passover? And did not Christ bid them go and prepare it? But there is really no difficulty about the matter if we read vv. 12-16 in the light of the previous narrative. The Sanhedrin had decided on the removal of Christ before the feast, and had covenanted with Judas to arrange for His arrest at a convenient opportunity. Of all this Christ was aware. He knew that before the killing of the lambs in the Temple on the evening of the 14th, He himself would have fallen a prey to the plots of His enemies. And yet He proposed to eat the Passover meal with His disciples. Not, however, the technical Passover meal of the 14th, but a meal which should serve as such. Hence the mystery of vv. 12-16. Preparation for the Passover meal of the 14th had to be made early. In this case the disciples seem to have thought it well to begin on Thursday the 12th. They went, we read, and prepared the Passover. Not, of course, the lamb. That could only be offered in the Temple on the 14th, and then brought to the room afterwards. But they made other preparations, saw to it that the room was properly equipped, and perhaps purchased the necessary accessories of the feast. It may be thought that ἠτοίμασαν τὸ πάσχα must mean more than this, and include the actual preparation of the lamb itself, and so point to the 14th. But, in the first place, the phrase is due to the writer who has written v. 12a, who believed that the meal thus prepared was the technical Passover meal. The original may well have meant nothing more than “prepared for the Passover.” And, on the other hand, it is very unlikely that the two messengers should have acted as representatives of the whole body in the solemn service of the slaughter of the lamb in the Temple on the 14th. Preparation by two delegates could only be preparation of subordinate details, not the actual sacrifice of the lamb itself. But why the mystery about the place of the meal? No doubt because, in view of the danger of arrest, Christ wished to keep His movements secret. He had arranged with some one that a room should be ready. There He sent His disciples to make preparations as though for the Passover meal of the 14th. Then the material and place for a meal having been secured, He came suddenly on that same evening of the 12th and sat down with His disciples, secure at least for a time from arrest, for He had the betrayer in His company. It was not the technical Passover meal, but for Him and for His disciples it would serve as such. There was indeed no lamb. But there was bread symbolising Christ’s body, and that sufficed.

International Critical Commentary — older volumes (1896–1929), various authors — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Palace [αυλην] . But the word never means palace in the New Testament. It is the court, the open court or hall, forming the center of an oriental building, and often used as a meeting - place. Rev., court. Wyc., hall.

Marvin R. Vincent, Word Studies in the New Testament (1887–1900) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.