Acts 25:13

We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather only to gratify his curiosity. Christ had said, concerning his followers, that they should be brought before governors and kings. In the former part of this chapter Paul was brought before Festus the governor, here before Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. Here is,

I. The kind and friendly visit which king Agrippa made to Festus, now upon his coming into the government in that province (Act 25:13): After certain days, king Agrippa came to Caesarea. Here is royal visit. Kings usually think it enough to send their ambassadors to congratulate their friends, but here was a king that came himself, that made the majesty of a prince yield to the satisfaction of a friend; for personal converse is the most pleasant among friends. Observe,

1. Who the visitants were. (1.) King Agrippa, the son of that Herod (surnamed Agrippa) who killed James the apostle, and was himself eaten of worms, and great grandson of Herod the Great, under whom Christ was born. Josephus calls this Agrippa the younger; Claudius the emperor made him king of Chalcis, and tetrarch of Trachonitis and Abylene, mentioned Luk 3:1. The Jewish writers speak of him, and (as Dr. Lightfoot tells us) among other things relate this story of him, "That reading the law publicly, in the latter end of the year of release, as was enjoined, the king, when he came to those words (Deu 17:15), Thou shalt not set a stranger king over thee, who is not of thy brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks, for he was not of the seed of Israel, which the congregation observing, cried out, Be of good comfort, king Agrippa, thou art our brother; for he was of their religion, though not of their blood." (2.) Bernice came with him. She was his own sister, now a widow, the widow of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, after whose death she lived with this brother of hers, who was suspected to be too familiar with her, and, after she was a second time married to Polemon king of Cilicia, she got to be divorced from him, and returned to her brother king Agrippa. Juvenal (Sat. 6) speaks of a diamond ring which Agrippa gave to Bernice, his incestuous sister: -

- Berenices

In digito factus pretiosior; hunc dedit olim

Barbarus incestae, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

That far-famed gem which on the finger glow'd

Of Bernice (dearer thence), bestowed

By an incestuous brother.

- Gifford

And both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of a criminal intimacy afterwards between her and Titus Vespasian. Drusilla, the wife of Felix, was another sister. Such lewd people were the great people generally in those times! Say not that the former days were better.

2. What the design of this visit was: they came to salute Festus, to give him joy of his new promotion, and to wish him joy in it; they came to compliment him upon his accession to the government, and to keep up a good correspondence with him, that Agrippa, who had the government of Galilee, might act in concert with Festus, who had the government of Judea; but it is probable they came as much to divert themselves as to show respect to him, and to share in the entertainments of his court, and to show their fine clothes, which would do vain people no good if they did not go abroad.

II. The account which Festus gave to king Agrippa of Paul and his case, which he gave.

1. To entertain him, and give him some diversion. It was a very remarkable story, and worth any man's hearing, not only as it was surprising and entertaining, but, if it were truly and fully told, very instructive and edifying; and it would be particularly acceptable to Agrippa, not only because he was a judge, and there were some points of law and practice in it well worth his notice, but much more as he was a Jew, and there were some points of religion in it much more deserving his cognizance.

2. To have his advice. Festus was but newly come to be a judge, at least to be a judge in these parts, and therefore was diffident of himself and of his own ability, and willing to have the counsel of those that were older and more experienced, especially in a matter that had so much difficulty in it as Paul's case seemed to have, and therefore he declared it to the king. Let us now see the particular account he gives to king Agrippa concerning Paul, Act 25:14-21.

(1.) He found him a prisoner when he came into the government of this province; and therefore could not of his own knowledge give an account of his cause from the beginning: There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix; and therefore, if there were any thing amiss in the first taking of him into custody, Festus is not to answer for that, for he found him in bonds. When Felix, to do the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound, though he knew him to be innocent, he knew not what he did, knew not but he might fall into worse hands than he did fall into, though they were none of the best.

(2.) That the Jewish sanhedrim were extremely set against him: "The chief priests and the elders informed me against him as a dangerous man, and not fit to live, and desired he might therefore be condemned to die." These being great pretenders to religion, and therefore to be supposed men of honour and honesty, Festus thinks he ought to give credit to them; but Agrippa knows them better than he does, and therefore Festus desires his advice in this matter.

(3.) That he had insisted upon the Roman law in favour of the prisoner, and would not condemn him unheard (Act 25:16): "It is not the manner of the Romans, who herein govern themselves by the law of nature and the fundamental rules of justice, to deliver any man to die, to grant him to destruction" (so the word is), "to gratify his enemies with his destruction, before the accused has the accusers face to face, to confront their testimony, and have both licence and time given him to answer for himself." He seems to upbraid them as if they reflected upon the Romans and their government in asking such a thing, or expecting that they would condemn a man without trying him: "No," says he, "I would have you to know, whatever you may allow of among yourselves, the Romans allow not of such a piece of injustice among them." Audi et alteram partem - hear the other side, had become a proverb among them. This rule we ought to be governed by in our private censures in common conversation; we must not give men bad characters, nor condemn their words and actions, till we have heard what is to be said in their vindication. See Joh 7:51.

(4.) That he had brought him upon his trial, according to the duty of his place, Act 25:17. That he had been expeditious in it, and the prosecutors had not reason to complain of his being dilatory, for as soon as ever they had come (and we are sure they lost no time) without any delay, on the morrow, he had brought on the cause. He had likewise tried him in the most solemn manner: He sat on the judgment-seat, as they used to do in weightier causes, while those that were of small moment they judged de plano - upon even ground. He called a great court on purpose for the trial of Paul, that the sentence might be definitive, and the cause ended.

(5.) That he was extremely disappointed in the charge they brought against him (Act 25:18, Act 25:19): When the accusers stood up against him, and opened their indictment, they brought no accusations of such things as I supposed.

[1.] He supposed by the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging it thus upon the Roman governors one after another, First, That they had something to accuse him of that was dangerous either to private property or the public peace, - that they would undertake to prove him a robber, or a murderer, or a rebel against the Roman power, - that he had been in arms to head a sedition, - that if he were not that Egyptian who lately made an uproar, and commanded a party of cut-throats, as the chief captain supposed him to be, yet he was one of the same kidney. Such were the outcries against the primitive Christians, so loud, so fierce, that the standers-by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude them the worst of men; and to represent them so was the design of that clamour, as it was against our Saviour. Secondly, That they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and which the governor was properly the judge of, as Gallio expected (Act 18:14); otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it, and really an affront to him.

[2.] But to his great surprise he finds the matter is neither so nor so; they had certain questions against him, instead of proofs and evidences against him. The worst they had to say against him was disputable whether it was a crime or no-moot-points, that would bear an endless debate, but had no tendency to fasten any guilt upon him, questions fitter for the schools than for the judgment-seat. And they were questions of their own superstition, so he calls their religion; or, rather, so he calls that part of their religion which Paul was charged with doing damage to. The Romans protected their religion according to their law, but not their superstition, nor the tradition of their elders. But the great question, it seems, was concerning one Jesus that was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. Some think the superstition he speaks of was the Christian religion, which Paul preached, and that he had the same notion of it that the Athenians had, that it was the introducing of a new demon, even Jesus. See how slightly this Roman speaks of Christ, and of his death and resurrection, and of the great controversy between the Jews and the Christians whether he were the Messiah promised or no, and the great proof of his being the Messiah, his resurrection from the dead, as if it were no more than this, There was one Jesus that was dead, and Paul affirmed he was alive. In many causes issue is joined upon this question, whether such a person that has been long absent be living or dead, and proofs are brought on both sides; and Festus will have it thought that this is a matter of no more moment. Whereas this Jesus, whom he prides himself in being thus ignorant of, as if he were below his notice, is he that was dead, and is alive, and lives for evermore, and has the keys of hell and of death, Rev 1:18. What Paul affirmed concerning Jesus, that he is alive, is a matter of such vast importance that if it be not true we are all undone.

(6.) That therefore he had proposed to Paul that the cause might be adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair of this nature (Act 25:20): "Because I doubted of such manner of questions, and thought myself unfit to judge of things I did not understand, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, appear before the great sanhedrim, and there be judged of these matters." He would not force him to it, but would be glad if Paul would consent to it, that he might not have his conscience burdened with a cause of this nature.

(7.) That Paul had chosen rather to remove his cause to Rome than to Jerusalem, as expecting fairer play from the emperor than from the priests: "He appealed to be reserved to the hearing of Augustus (Act 25:21), having no other way to stop proceedings here in this inferior court; and therefore I commanded him to be kept a close prisoner till I might send him to Caesar, for I did not see cause to refuse his appeal, but rather was pleased with it."

III. The bringing of him before Agrippa, that he might have the hearing of his cause.

1. The king desired it (Act 25:22): "I thank you for your account of him, but I would also hear the man myself." Agrippa knows more of this matter, of the cause and of the person, than Festus does; he has heard of Paul, and knows of what vast concern this question is, which Festus makes such a jest of, whether Jesus be alive or no. And nothing would oblige him more than to hear Paul. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear them like themselves in the judgment-seat. Agrippa would not for all the world have gone to a meeting to hear Paul preach, any more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet they are both glad to have them brought before them, only to satisfy their curiosity. Perhaps Agrippa desired to hear him himself, that he might be in a capacity to do him a kindness, and yet did him none, only put some credit upon him.

2. Festus granted it: Tomorrow thou shalt hear him. There was a good providence in this, for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of all opportunities of doing good. We know not of any of his epistles that bore date from his prison at Caesarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, and perhaps to a little congregation of them that visited him every Lord's-day, was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness, so that he seemed to be thrown by as a despised broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but this gives him an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and (which is more) to a congregation of great ones. Felix heard him in private concerning the faith of Christ. But Agrippa and Festus agree he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of his sermons for the conversion of souls, redounded as much to the honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached in his life.

3. Great preparation was made for it (Act 25:23): The next day there was a great appearance in the place of hearing, Paul and his cause being much talked of, and the more for their being much talked against.

(1.) Agrippa and Bernice took this opportunity to show themselves in state, and to make a figure, and perhaps for that end desired the occasion, that they might see and be seen; for they came with great pomp, richly dressed, with gold and pearls, and costly array; with a great retinue of footmen in rich liveries, which made a splendid show, and dazzled the eyes of the gazing crowd. They came meta pollēs phantasias - with great fancy, so the word is. Note, Great pomp is but great fancy. It neither adds any read excellency, nor gains any real respect, but feeds a vain humour, which wise men would rather mortify than gratify. It is but a show, a dream, a fantastical thing (so the word signifies), superficial, and it passeth away. And the pomp of this appearance would put one for ever out of conceit with pomp, when the pomp which Agrippa and Bernice appeared in was, [1.] Stained by their lewd characters, and all the beauty of it sullied, and all virtuous people that knew them could not but contemn them in the midst of all this pomp as vile persons, Psa 15:4. [2.] Outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with that of his wisdom, and grace, and holiness, his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ! His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it?

(2.) The chief captains and principal men of the city took this opportunity to pay their respects to Festus and to his guests. It answered the end of a ball at court, it brought the fine folks together in their fine clothes, and served for an entertainment. It is probable that Festus sent Paul notice of it overnight, to be ready for a hearing the next morning before Agrippa. And such confidence had Paul in the promise of Christ, that it should be given him in that same hour what he should speak, that he complained not of the short warning, nor was put into confusion by it. I am apt to think that those who were to appear in pomp perplexed themselves more with care about their clothes than Paul, who was to appear as a prisoner, did with care about his cause; for he knew whom he had believed, and who stood by him.

IV. The speech with which Festus introduced the cause, when the court, or rather the audience, was set, which is much to the same purport with the account he had just now given to Agrippa. 1. He addressed himself respectfully to the company: "King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us." He speaks to all the men - pantes andres, as if he intended a tacit reflection upon Bernice, a woman, for appearing in a meeting of this nature; he does not refer any thing to her judgment nor desire her counsel; but, "All you that are present that are men (so the words are placed), I desire you to take cognizance of this matter." The word used is that which signifies men in distinction from women; what had Bernice to do here? 2. he represents the prisoner as one that the Jews had a very great spite against; not only the rulers, but the multitude of them, both at Jerusalem and here at Caesarea, cry out that he ought not to live any longer, for they think he has lived too long already, and if he live any longer it will be to do more mischief. They could not charge him with any capital crime, but they wanted to have him out of the way. 3. He confesses the prisoner's innocency; and it was much for the honour of Paul and his bonds that he had such a public acknowledgement as this from the mouth of his judge (Act 25:25): I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death. Upon a full hearing of the case, it appeared there was no evidence at all to support the indictment: and therefore, though he was inclinable enough to favour the prosecutors, yet his own conscience brought in Paul not guilty. And why did he not discharge him then, for he stood upon his deliverance? Why, truly, because he was so much clamoured against, and he feared the clamour would turn upon himself if he should release him. It is a pity but every man that has a conscience should have courage to act according to it. Or perhaps because there was so much smoke that he concluded there could not but be some fire, which would appear at last, and he would detain him a prisoner in expectation of it. 4. He acquaints them with the present state of the case, that the prisoner had appealed to the emperor himself (whereby he put ann honour upon his own cause, as knowing it not unworthy the cognizance of the greatest of men), and that he had admitted his appeal: I have determined to send him. And thus the cause now stood. 5. He desires their assistance in examining the matter calmly and impartially, now that there was no danger of their being interrupted, as he had been with the noisiness and outrage of the prosecutors - that he might have at least such an insight into the cause as was necessary to his stating it to the emperor, Act 25:26, Act 25:27. (1.) He thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner, especially so far as Rome, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him, that the matter might be prepared as much as possible, and put in a readiness for the emperor's determination; for he is supposed to be a man of great business, and therefore every affair must be laid before him in as little compass as possible. (2.) He could not as yet write any thing certain concerning Paul; so confused were the informations that were given in against him, and so inconsistent, that Festus could make nothing at all of them. He therefore desired Paul might thus be publicly examined, that he might be advised by them what to write. See what a great deal of trouble and vexation those were put to, and to what delay, nay, and to what hazard, in the administration of public justice, who live at such a distance from Rome, and yet were subject to the emperor of Rome. The same was this nation of ours put to (which is about as far distant from Rome the other way) when it was in ecclesiastical affairs subject to the pope of Rome, and appeals were upon all occasions made to his court; and the same mischiefs, and a thousand worse, would those bring upon us who would again entangle us in that yoke of bondage.

Matthew Henry's Commentary on the Whole Bible (1708–1710) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

HEROD AGRIPPA II ON A VISIT TO FESTUS, BEING CONSULTED BY HIM ON PAUL'S CASE, DESIRES TO HEAR THE APOSTLE, WHO IS ACCORDINGLY BROUGHT FORTH. (Act 25:13-27)

King Agrippa--great-grandson of Herod the Great, and Drusilla's brother (see on Act 24:24). On his father's awful death (Act 12:23), being thought too young (seventeen) to succeed, Judea, was attached to the province of Syria. Four years after, on the death of his uncle Herod, he was made king of the northern principalities of Chalcis, and afterwards got Batanea, Iturea, Trachonitis, Abilene, Galilee, and Perea, with the title of king. He died A.D. 100, after reigning fifty-one years.

and Bernice--his sister. She was married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her brother Agrippa--not without suspicion of incestuous intercourse, which her subsequent licentious life tended to confirm.

came to salute Festus--to pay his respects to him on his accession to the procuratorship.

Jamieson, Fausset & Brown — Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible (1871) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

Act_25:13-27

And after certain days King Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea.

Agrippa and Bernice

Each of the characters thus brought on the scene has a somewhat memorable history.

1. The former closes the line of the Herodian house. He was the son of the Agrippa whose tragic end is related in Act_12:20-23, and was but seventeen years of age at the time of his fathers death, in A.D. 44. He did Hot succeed to the kingdom of Judaea, which was placed under the government of a procurator; but on the death of his uncle Herod, the king of Chalets, in A.D. 48, received the sovereignty of that region from Claudius, and with it the superintendence of the temple and the nomination of the high priests. Four years later he received the tetrarchies that had been governed by his great-uncles Philip and Lysanias (Luk_3:1), with the title of king. In A.D. 55 Nero increased his kingdom by adding some of the cities of Galilee (Jos. Ant. 19, 9, § 1; 20:1, § 3; 8, § 4). He lived to see the destruction of Jerusalem, and died under Trajan (A.D. 100) at the age of seventy-three.

2. The history of Bernice, or Berenice (the name seems to have been a Macedonian form of Pherenice), reads like a horrible romance, or a page from the chronicles of the Borgias. She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I, and was married at an early age to her uncle the king of Chalets. Alliances of this nature were common in the Herodian house, and the Herodias of the Gospels passed from an incestuous marriage to an incestuous adultery (See Mat_14:1). On his death Berenice remained for some years a widow, but dark rumours began to spread that her brother Agrippa, who had succeeded to the principality of Chalcis, and who gave her, as in the instance before us, something like queenly honours, was living with her in a yet darker form of incest, and was producing in Judaea the vices of which his fathers friend, Caligula, had set so terrible an example (Sueton. Calig. c. 24). With a view to screening herself against these suspicions, she persuaded Polemon, king of Cilicia, to take her as his queen, and to profess himself a convert to Judaism, as Azizus had done for her sister Drusilla, and accept circumcision. The ill-omened marriage did not prosper. The queens unbridled passions once more gained the mastery. She left her husband, and he got rid at once of her and her religion. Her powers of fascination, however, were still great, and she knew how to profit by them in the hour of her countrys ruin. Vespasian was attracted by her queenly dignity, and yet more by the magnificence of her queenly gifts. His son Titus took his place in her long list of lovers. She came as his mistress to Rome, and it was said that he had promised her marriage. This, however, was more than even the senate of the empire could tolerate, and Titus was compelled by the pressure of public opinion to dismiss her, but his grief in doing so was matter of notoriety. Dimisit invitus invitam (Sueton. Titus, c. 7; Tacit, Hist. 2.81; Jos. Ant. 20.7, § 3). The whole story furnished Juvenal with a picture of depravity which stands almost as a pendent to that of Messalina (Sat. 6.155-9). (Dean Plumptre.)

Pauls introduction to Agrippa

Here we have--

I. Bitter antagonism. This is revealed in the Jews. They hated the one Jesus whom Paul preached as having died and risen again. There are men now who hate Christianity--its principles, author, advocates, and disciples. The opposition, however, is as futile as it is wicked.

II. Idle curiosity. This is revealed in Agrippa. I will also hear the man myself. Being a Jew, he could not have been ignorant of Paul, and now an opportunity occurred for him to see the man and hear his tale. His wish was not a wish for spiritual instruction. Multitudes now go to hear preachers from the same motive.

III. Proud indifference. This is revealed in Festus. He cared nothing about this one Jesus who was dead, and whom Paul affirmed to be alive. Religious indifferentism is the prevalent sin of Christendom. This is worse, for many reasons, than theoretic infidelity.

IV. Vital faith. This is revealed in Paul.

1. Paul had a faith.

2. His faith was in Christ.

3. His faith was his very life.

To it he lived, and for it he was prepared to suffer and to die. For me to live, he said, is Christ, and to die is gain. (D. Thomas, D. D.)

Paul before princes and rulers

A noble picture, from which we recognise--

I. The glory of God, who sets open doors before His servants even in bonds, and knocks with His Word at palaces as well as huts.

II. The fidelity of His servant who bears testimony to the Lord everywhere undazzled by the splendour of human greatness, and unclogged by the fetters of his own trouble. (K. Gerok.)

The principles of a sound administration

I. It should do everything which belongs to its office.

1. In respect of accusers: to receive and listen to them patiently (verses 15-18).

2. In respect of the accused: to hear their defence impartially, and to protect their persons against the craft and violence of their enemies (verses 16, 18, 21).

II. It should omit everything which does not belong to its office.

1. It should assume no judgment in matters of faith.

2. It should not arbitrarily anticipate the higher judge (verse 25), but conscientiously prepare the way. (K. Gerok.)

The judgment of worldly men concerning matters of faith

1. Their highest standpoint is that of civil law, as here with Festus.

2. Their judgment is depreciatory: they reckon them as belonging to the domain of superstition, and pride themselves on not understanding such questions (verses 19-21).

3. Their sympathy is, as with Agrippa, an affair of curiosity and fashion (verse 22). (Lisco.)

The blindness of mere worldly education in matters of Christian truth

1. The precious articles of the Christian faith are to it the offspring of superstition, not worth the trouble of being accurately instructed therein (verses 19, 20).

2. The living Head of the Church is one Jesus who is dead, of whose power and presence there is no trace (verse 19).

3. The chosen servants of God are to it incomprehensible and whimsical men, of whom nothing can be made (verses 24-27). (K. Gerok.)

Face to face

When any member of Mr. Kilpins church at Exeter came with details of real or supposed injuries received from a fellow member, after listening to the reporter, Mr. Kilpin would inquire if they had mentioned these grievances to their offending brother or sister. If the reply was in the negative--and usually it was so--he would then calmly order a messenger to fetch the offender, remarking that it would be ungenerous to decide, and unscriptural to act, merely from hearing the statement of one party. This determination always produced alarm, and the request that nothing might be mentioned to the party implicated. Assertions and proofs are very different grounds for the exercise of judgment, and are more distinct than angry persons imagine.

The Biblical Illustrator, edited by Joseph S. Exell (c. 1880s–1900s) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:13. And after certain days, &c. — We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather, only to gratify his curiosity. Christ had said concerning his disciples, and particularly concerning his apostles, that they should be brought before governors and kings, and here we find his prediction accomplished. The preceding verses inform us of Paul’s being brought before Festus the governor, and the following of his being brought before Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. King Agrippa and Bernice — His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity; came to Cesarea to salute Festus — To congratulate him on his arrival in the province. The prince, here mentioned, was the son of Herod Agrippa, mentioned Act 12:1, (where see the note,) and grandson of Aristobulus, the son of Herod the Great. As he was but seventeen years of age when his father died, the Emperor Claudius did not think proper to appoint him king of Judea in the room of his father, but made it a Roman province; however, on the death of his uncle, Herod Antipas, (of whom see note on Mat 14:1,) he made him king of Chalcis, which, after he had governed it four years, he exchanged for a greater kingdom, and gave him the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, to which Nero afterward added part of Galilee, with several towns in Peræa. Of Bernice’s incestuous commerce with this Agrippa, Juvenal speaks, Sat. 6. ver. 155, as well as Josephus, Antiq., lib. 20. cap. 7. It is certain this lady had first been married to her own uncle, Herod, king of Chalcis; after whose death, on the report of her scandalous familiarity with her brother Agrippa, she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, whom she soon forsook, though he had submitted to circumcision to obtain the alliance. This was also the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, and whom he would have made empress, had not the clamours of the Roman people prevented it.

Joseph Benson's Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1811–1818) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

4. Agreement and Preparation for Paul’s Speech before Agrippa II., Act_25:13-27.

King Agrippa II., whose history we have given in our Hist. Revelation , 21:17, was now residing in his ancestral palace at Cesarea Philippi. (Note Mat_16:13.) The Herod family lost no opportunity to court the Roman officials, and Agrippa would pay an early visit of congratulation to Festus. We have had a sight of Drusilla in the last chapter; her sister Bernice now appears magnificently in view.

Daniel D. Whedon (gen. ed.), Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1874–1909) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

CRITICAL REMARKS

Act_25:13. After certain days, or certain days having gone by; how many is unknown. Agrippa the king was Herod Agrippa II., the son of Agrippa I., mentioned in Act_12:1-6; Act_12:19-23, and the Jewish vassal-prince of Rome, who, on his father’s death, was considered too young to succeed to the sovereignty of Judæa, which accordingly was placed under procurators, though on the death of his uncle Herod, King of Chalcis, in A.D. 48 or 50 (Hackett), he received the sovereignty of that region from Claudius, along with the superintendence of the temple and the nomination of the high priests. Four years later “he received the tetrarchies of his great-uncles, Philip and Lysanius, with the title of king” (Plumptre). In A.D. 55 some Galilean cities were added to his kingdom by Nero (Jos., Ant., XIX. ix. 1, XX. i. 3, viii. 4). He died under Trajan in A.D. 100, at the age of seventy-three. Bernice, or Bernice—perhaps Macedonian for Pherenice—was his sister, and the sister of Drusilla. The eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I., she had been married while a young girl to her uncle Herod of Chalcis, on whose death, while ostensibly living as a widow, she became, according to public rumour, the incestuous paramour of her brother Agrippa II. Afterwards Polemon, the King of Cilicia, in order to obtain her hand in marriage, professed himself a convert to Judaism, and, as Azizus had done for Drusilla, accepted circumcision. The union, however, was quickly dissolved. It was subsequent to this that she accompanied her brother to Cæsarea. Eventually she followed Titus to Rome as his mistress, in the hope of marriage which he had promised; but this was more than the Senate could tolerate, and he was forced reluctantly to part with her (Sueton., Titus, c. 7; Tacit., Hist., ii. 81; Jos., Ant., XX. vii. 3). To salute Festus probably meant to formally acknowledge him on entering on his procuratorship, as the representative of his (Agrippa’s) overlord (Cæsar).

Act_25:14. Declared, better, laid Paul’s case, or the matters concerning Paul, before the king.—Festus might naturally conclude that Agrippa, being a Jew, would understand the points in dispute, and be able to enlighten him about them. Weizsäcker sees in the bringing of Paul before Agrippa an exact parallel to the removing of Jesus to Herod Antipas by Pilate (Luk_23:8-12), and pronounces both unhistorical, but without reason.

Act_25:16. It is not the manner, rather custom, of the Romans (if it is of the Jews!), to deliver any man to die, should read, to give up any man, the words to die, literally “unto destruction,” being a gloss, which is not found in the best MSS. “The use of the same verb (χαρίζεσθαι) as that which Paul had used in Act_25:16 shows that the arrow shot at a venture had hit the mark. Festus is eager to repel the charge” (Plumptre).

Act_25:18. Against.—Better, either concerning (R.V.), or round (Alford, Hackett). In the former case the clause should be corrected with “brought”; in the latter with “stood up.”

Act_25:19. Superstition.—Better, religion. Festus designedly, perhaps, using a word which might be interpreted either in a good or bad sense as Agrippa pleased. One Jesus.—Hackett remarks on Luke’s candour in recording this contemptuous remark.

Act_25:20. Doubted.—The verb describes something stronger than doubt or uncertainty, and is more happily rendered “perplexed” (R.V.). This, however, was hardly the motive why Festus asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem to be judged (see Act_25:9). Festus doubtless wished to set the matter in the best light for himself.

Act_25:21. Augustus.—Sebastos. A title first conferred on Octavianus by the Roman Senate, and afterwards borne by all succeeding emperors. The emperor in question was Nero, the stepson of Claudius, who married his mother Agrippina, the wife of Ahenobarbus, and the daughter of Germanicus. Nero succeeded Claudius, A.D. 54. Nero’s inhuman character is too well known to require detailed mention.

Act_25:22. I would also hear.—Meaning not that he had formerly cherished such a desire (Calvin), but that he was then wishing such a thing had been possible as that he might hear.

HOMILETICAL ANALYSIS.—Act_25:13-22

Talked about by State Dignitaries; or, Festus’s Conversation with Agrippa about Paul

I. The royal visit to the governor.—

1. The illustrious pair.

(1) Their names: Agrippa and Bernice. II. Herod Agrippa, the royal personage here referred to was the son of Herod Agrippa I., who had perished so suddenly (A. D. 44, 45) in Cæsarea, and the great-grandson of Herod the Great, the founder of the Idumean princes, “vassals of Rome who played so distinguished a part in the story of Israel during the last fifty years of the existence of the Jews as a separate nationality” (Spence). Bernice was his sister and the sister of Drusilla, the wife of Felix (Act_24:24). Like Drusilla, Bernice was a woman of great beauty, whose story reads “like a terrible romance or a page from the chronicles of the Borgias” (Plumptre). Agrippa and she were both illustrious for their rank, if for nothing else, though history reports them to have been not undistinguished for intellectual ability as well.

(2) Their characters. Rather infamous than illustrious, living at the time, as was currently believed, in unholy relations with one another (see “Critical Remarks”). When high station and lofty character go together, they lend a glory to each other, which makes both more attractive; when high station is conjoined with gross wickedness, the former is degraded and the latter rendered more heinous and despicable.

2. The object of their visit. To exchange courtesies with the new procurator on the assumption of his office. Whether it was dictated by genuine politeness or by self-interest which suggested the propriety of keeping “on terms of intimacy and friendship with the powerful Roman lieutenant commanding in the provinces of which he was nominally the sovereign” (Spence), may not be known; but the visit itself was proper and becoming to be made. Men, simply as men—how much more as Christians (1Pe_3:1)—owe each other civilities which, when sincerely paid, tend to sweeten social intercourse.

II. The governor’s communication to the king.—

1. Concerning Paul. No doubt he would mention Paul’s name (see Act_25:19). But the main facts reported with respect to him were these:

(1) That he had been left behind in Cæsarea as a prisoner by Felix, the late procurator, without any statement of the reason of his imprisonment or the nature of his offence.

(2) That he had been bitterly accused by the chief priests and the elders of the Jews, who laid before Festus, when at Jerusalem, a criminal indictment against Him demanding his instantaneous surrender to punishment.

(3) That he had been formerly placed upon his trial, and opportunity given to his accusers to make good their allegations against him, with the result that no actual crime had been brought home to him, but only an assertion of his had been proved—viz., that one Jesus, whom his opponents affirmed to be dead, was really alive.

(4) That rather than accept an offer which had been made to him to go to Jerusalem to be judged of these matters, he had appealed to be kept for the decision of the emperor. If—which does not appear from the narrative—Festus recited to Agrippa Paul’s magnanimous declaration about refusing not to die, if he had done anything worthy of death (Act_25:11), one would like to know what impression such a display of moral heroism made upon the royal bosom! And

(5) That he was now in gaol waiting till he could be conveniently despatched to Rome.

2. Concerning himself.

(1) That he had rather snubbed the ecclesiastical dignitaries of Jerusalem, when these had approached him, by reminding them that it was not the custom of the Romans, if it was of the Jews, to hand over any man—“to destruction,” though a gloss, correctly interprets the sense of Festus’s words—until he should have had opportunity to meet his accusers face to face and reply to the charges these preferred against them. (Festus may really have said this, though Luke does not incorporate the observation in his preceding paragraph (Act_25:4-5); as Festus, in rehearsing the story to Agrippa, omits to state that he had invited the Sanhedrists to come to Cæsarea).

(2) That he had nevertheless given them the fullest opportunity to establish their case against Paul, but that they had failed to bring out anything more tangible than this, that on the religious—hardly “superstitious,” since courtesy must have taught him better manners than so to insult his guest (see “Critical Remarks”)—questions above referred to, he, Paul, took a different side from them, and maintained Jesus was alive, while they as positively alleged He was dead.

(3) That he had been altogether at a loss how to deal with such a problem, and had proposed that it be laid before the High Ecclesiastical Court of the nation at Jerusalem, which might discuss the question, if not under his presidency, at all events in his presence.

(4) That, as Paul had declined this offer, and had appealed to Nero, he (Festus) was now waiting a convenient opportunity to have him forwarded to the imperial court. It is obvious that Festus would rather Paul had not appealed to Augustus. It was a step the exact issue of which for himself the governor, as well as for Paul the prisoner, no one could foresee. It need not be doubted that the calmest bosom of all connected with this affair was that of Paul.

III. The king’s reply to the governor.—

1. A wish expressed. “I would also hear the man myself.” Better, “I also was wishing,” meaning, as some suggest, that he had not for the first time heard of Paul, and had even before this been secretly desirous of both looking on and listening to the great Nazarene preacher, as Herod Antipas had formerly been with regard to Christ (Luk_23:8). Reports of the apostle’s doings, both in Palestine and in Asia Minor, could hardly fail to have reached the ear of Agrippa II.; and, being the son of Agrippa I. who had so fiercely persecuted the Jerusalem Christians, and who had so soon after miserably died at Cæsarea, it was not surprising that, like Drusilla his sister (Act_24:24), he should have inwardly cherished a longing to see and hear the wonderful Jewish Rabbi who had so suddenly apostatised from the law of his fathers, and so powerfully agitated the world ever since.

2. The wish granted. Festus, out of courtesy towards his guest, and out of a secret hope, it may be conjectured, that Agrippa would be able to assist him in his perplexity, promised that next day an opportunity should be afforded him of both seeing and hearing the distinguished man whom Felix had left in bonds, and against whom the Sanhedrists were gnashing their teeth, but over whom, though Festus knew it not, a watchful Providence, even more than Augustus’s soldiers, was keeping guard.

Learn.—

1. That courtesy becomes all men, but especially Christians.

2. That Christ’s witnesses, even when in prison for their Master’s sake, do not cease to be men talked about and wondered at.

3. That Christ’s people are not always careful to avoid condemning others unheard.

4. That when other people’s interests are at stake no delay should intervene to hinder setting things to rights.

5. That the world’s charges against Christians are, for the most part, untrue.

6. That the unenlightened understanding has a difficulty in comprehending questions in religion.

7. That the grand problem of all the Christian centuries concerns the resurrection of Jesus.

8. That Christians have sometimes a better chance of getting justice at a civil tribunal than in an ecclesiastical court.

9. That wicked men have often a secret respect for ministers of the gospel.

10. That to hear the gospel out of curiosity alone is not a promising occupation.

HINTS AND SUGGESTIONS

Act_25:13. Christian Salutations.

I. Are becoming on the part of Christ’s followers towards each other (Rom_16:16).

II. Are due by Christ’s followers even to such as are unbelieving (Mat_5:47).

III. Are regarded by Christ as a high proof of sincerity in religion (Mat_5:48).

IV. Are calculated to win the favourable regards of those who might otherwise be hostile to religion.

Agrippa and Bernice.

I. Possessors of a common nature.

II. Descendants of a common parentage.

III. Sharers of a common dignity.

IV. Partners in a common wickedness.

V. Actors in a common ceremony.

VI. Partakers of a common privilege (Act_25:23).

VII. Rejectors of a common salvation (Act_26:30).

Act_25:14. Paul’s Case.

That of a follower of Christ.—

I. Accused of crimes he had not committed.

II. Suffering persecution for conscience’ sake.

III. Consigned to prison against all law and justice.

IV. Compelled to appeal to the world’s tribunals for protection.

Act_25:16. Not the Custom of the Romans! Neither should it be of Christians.

I. To punish a man before he has been found guilty.

II. To pronounce a man guilty before he has been heard in his defence.

III. To ask him to defend himself before he knows the evidence against him.

IV. To refuse a man the right of appeal from a lower court to a higher. Yet all these violations of natural right have been perpetrated in times past in the name of religion.

Act_25:17. No delay! Cases in which there should never be procrastination.

I. In doing justice to one’s fellow-men.

II. In relieving the cry of human distress.

III. In listening to the call of duty.

IV. In accepting the invitation of the gospel.

V. In making known Christ’s salvation to others.

VI. In fleeing from the presence of temptation.

VII. In preparing for death and judgment.

Act_25:18. “As I supposed”; or, the World’s Misconceptions about Christianity.

I. About its founder.—The world supposes Him—

(1) to have been “one Jesus” and nothing more, whereas He is the Son of God and one with the Father.

2. To have been merely a good man and wise teacher, whereas He was the sinless One and the Truth.

3. To have died as a martyr to His own cause, whereas He laid down His life as a propitiation for our sins.

4. To be dead, whereas He is alive again for evermore.

II. About its tenets.—The world supposes—

1. That so far as these are intelligible they are only the discoveries of the natural reason, whereas they claim to be the revelations of eternal Wisdom

2. That they may be better (though, in the world’s judgment, that is questionable), but are not really different from the tenets of other religions, whereas they claim to supersede those of all other religions.

3. That they will have their day, by-and-by become obsolete, and ultimately be forgotten, whereas they will endure while the world lasts.

4. That they are no more fitted to promote the happiness of mankind than the teachings of other religions, whereas they alone have power to permanently enlighten the understanding, purify the heart, quicken the conscience, and redeem the will.

III. About its preachers.—The world supposes—

1. That they are the victims of an intellectual delusion, whereas they are the subjects of true mental illumination.

2. That they are the teachers of an idle superstition, whereas they are the bearers to mankind of the highest saving knowledge.

3. That they are troublers of society and disturbers of the peace of communities, whereas they are real restorers of order, and promoters of social well-being.

4. That they are interested self-seekers, whereas they are, when true to their vocation, disinterested apostles of goodwill and grace to men.

Act_25:19. One Jesus—Dead or Alive—the great question of the day.

I. Dead.—In support of this may be urged—

1. That death—without resurrection following—is the ordinary lot of man, and that Jesus, whatever else He was, was a bonâ-fide man. The exceptions to this law recorded in the Scriptures—such as the raisings mentioned in the Gospels (Mat_9:25; Luk_7:15; Joh_11:44)—must meanwhile be left out of view.

2. That since the so called resurrection of Jesus no one else of the human race has been recalled to life. Here again the instances of Dorcas (Act_9:40) and Eutychus (Act_20:12) must be meanwhile withdrawn from consideration. The exceptional character of Christ’s resurrection is in one aspect of it a difficulty in the way of assenting to its truth.

3. That Jesus, if He died—and of this by the supposition no doubt exists—could not have been restored to life without a miraculous interference with the uniform order of nature, and, so far as man’s experience goes, the occurrence of a supernatural is less probable than that of a natural phenomenon.

4. That no one is reported to have ever seen Jesus after His alleged resurrection except those who were interested in believing He had risen—such as Mary Magdalene, the women who went to the sepulchre, the ten disciples, James and the five hundred brethren.

5. That the so-called appearance of the risen One are all explainable by natural means, without calling in the aid of a supernatural occurrence, such as the reanimation of a dead body. Whatever objections may be urged against the swoon theory or the deception hypothesis, the supposition that all the appearances of the forty days were of the same sort as that made to Paul—viz., visionary—is quite sufficient to account for the rise in the early Church of a belief in the resurrection of Jesus.

II. Alive.—This alternative is based on the following considerations:

1. That, if Christ rose not from the dead, then His prediction about Himself was falsified. He distinctly claimed that after three days He should rise again. Of course an ordinary man’s predictions about himself might fail without any consequence relative to himself being deducible beyond this, that he must have been in error; but with the failure of Christ’s predictions about Himself collapses the entire superstructure of His pretensions.

2. That if Christ rose not from the dead, then He could not have been what He gave Himself out to be, not only the Messiah of Israel but the Son of God, and therefore must have been an impostor—an inference which is contradicted by all that is written concerning Him in Scripture.

3. That if Christ rose not from the dead, the origin of the Christian Church is perfectly inexplicable. Rationalists may hold that the doctrine of the resurrection of Jesus is sufficiently accounted for by the illusion or delusion of Mary Magdalene and of the enthusiasts whom her contagious ecstasy affected; but the persistence for nineteen centuries of an idea which was cradled in the excited brain of a female, and the propagation by means thereof of the Christian Church throughout these centuries cannot be explained without assuming that the resurrection of Christ was a fact.

4. That if Christ rose not from the dead, then the apostles who staked their lives on the truth of this assertion were not only of all men the most deluded, but were besides the most transcendent fanatics the world has ever seen. That one man, or even two, should have acted in the fashion in which the apostles are represented as having done might be credible, that twelve men, and much more, that five hundred men should have done so, is incredible.

5. That if Christ rose not from the dead then all the experiences of those who claim to have become conscious of a spiritual life derived from the risen Christ, must be set down as pious imaginations. We must frankly admit ourselves not prepared for this (see “Hints” on Act_1:3).

Act_25:20. Perplexing Things about Christianity to Worldly Men.

I. The supernatural character of its founder.—Attested by His resurrection from the dead.

II. The spiritual character of its doctrines.—Religious questions generally are in great part beyond the grasp of men of the world (1Co_2:14).

III. The lofty character of its adherents.—These, whether teachers or professors, when true to its spirit, appear actuated by motives which are more or less incomprehensible to ordinary minds.

Act_25:22. Agrippa’s Wish.—“I also could wish to hear the man” may have been one of three sorts.

I. The wish of a supercilious curiosity, which seeks nothing more than a passing entertainment. Of such sort as are not unfrequently the motives which lead men to attend Church, hear sermons, and read good books.

II. The wish of a worldly desire of knowledge, which is only concerned about interesting information. Occasionally also this ambition leads men to wait on Christian preachers, frequent religious assemblies, and study theological works.

III. The wish of a pious thirst for salvation, which fills the need of spiritual instruction. Happily there are not wanting those who are actuated by the noblest impulses in seeking to hear gospel ministers and observe Christian ordinances.—From Gerok in Lange.

The Preacher's Complete Homiletical Commentary (gen. ed. Joseph S. Exell; Funk & Wagnalls, c. 1892) — public domain (pre-1929). A full-Bible homiletical/sermon-outline anthology covering 65 of 66 books (2 John is absent from the source module). Text from a community e-Sword module.

E.—AT THE REQUEST OF HEROD AGRIPPA, THE YOUNGER, FESTUS COMMANDS THAT THE APOSTLE SHOULD BE BROUGHT BEFORE HIM; THUS PAUL FINDS AN OPPORTUNITY FOR DEFENDING HIMSELF IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING, IN A PUBLIC AND SOLEMN MANNER, AND OF BEARING A TESTIMONY WHICH IS NOT WITHOUT EFFECT

Act_25:13 to Act_26:32

§ I. Festus makes a communication to king Agrippa concerning Paul, and, at the king’s request, commands him to appear, for the purpose of being examined, in the presence of an assembly of distinguished persons

Act_25:13-27

13And after certain days [But after some days had passed, διαγενομένων] king Agrippaand Bernice came unto Cesarea to salute Festus. 14And when they had been [had tarried] there many days, Festus declared [set forth] Paul’s cause unto [before] the king; saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix [left behind by Felix in confinement]:15About whom, when I was at [came to] Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have [om. to have] judgment7 againsthim. 16To whom I answered, It [that it] is not the manner [custom] of the Romans to deliver any man to die [to deliver up any man8], before that he which [who] is accused have the accusers face to face, and have license [have obtained an opportunity, τόπον—λάβοι] to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him [concerningthe accusation]. 17Therefore, when they were come hither [After they had then (οὖν) assembled here], without any delay on the morrow I [I did not defer the case, but on the next day] sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth [forward]. 18Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none [no] accusation of such things as I supposed [of such a nature as I conjectured]: 19But had [only] certain questions against him of their own superstition [relating to their own religion], and of [to] one Jesus, which [who] was dead, whom Paul affirmed to bealive [of whom Paul said that he was alive]. 20And because I doubted of such manner of questions [But as I was at a loss as to this investigation9], I asked him whether he would go [would wish to journey] to Jerusalem, and there be judged of [concerning] these matters. 21But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto [But Paul now appealed to the circumstance that he wished to be kept for] the hearing10 of Augustus, [of the emperor, and] I commanded him to be kept till I might [should] send him to Cesar. 22Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also [I would also wish to] hear the man myself. To-morrow, said he, [But he said, To-morrow] thou shalt hear him.23And on the morrow [Accordingly (οὖν), on the next day], when Agrippa was [had] come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was [had] entered into the place of hearing [the audience-chamber], with the chief captains [the commanders], and principal menof the city, at Festus commandment Paul was brought forth [forward]. 24And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which [ye men who] are here [om. here, supplied by the translators] present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with [applied to] me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. 25But when I found [But I perceived11] that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that [; and, as] he himself hath appealed to Augustus [to the emperor] I have determined [I resolved] to send him.12 26Of whom [however] I have no certain thing [nothing definite] to write unto my lord [to the sovereign, τῷ κυρίῳ]. Wherefore I have brought him forth [forward] before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after [an] examination had [has taken place], I might have somewhat to write13 [I may know what I should write].For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him [prisoner, without stating the charges against him].

EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL

Act_25:13. King Agrippa and Bernice came.—This first visit of Herod, who came to offer his congratulations to the new governor, was, no doubt, made soon after the events occurred, which have just been related; hence, the expression ἡμερῶν—τινῶν, is to be taken in its literal sense. Herod Agrippa II. [sometimes called Agrippa the Second or Younger, to distinguish him from his father, Agrippa the First (Alex.) who is mentioned in Acts 13.—Tr.] was the last of the Herods; he was the son of Agrippa I., [and a great grandson of Herod, styled the Great, Mat_2:1.]. In the year A. D. 48, he was placed [by the emperor Claudius] in possession of the principality of Chalcis, and four years afterwards, received, in place of it, the former tetrarchy of Philip, in the north-east, beyond Jordan, together with the title of “king.” He was also intrusted with the guardianship of the temple, and obtained the privilege of appointing the high priest. Bernice was his own sister. [Her name, Βερνίκη (Βερενίκη, Βερονίκη) is, probably, the Macedonian form of Φερενίκη (Passow).—Tr.]. She had previously been married to her uncle Herod, the prince of Chalcis; after the death of the latter (A. D. 48), she lived with her brother, and, as it was believed, in incestuous intercourse with him [Jos. Ant. xx. 7. 3.].

Act_25:14-17. a. And when they had been there many days.—The case of Paul did not appear to the procurator to be so urgent, as to require that it should be at once made known to Agrippa; it was only after the latter had already spent some time in Cesarea, that Festus took an opportunity to state the subject to him. He probably expected that, as he was still a stranger in the country, he would he enabled to form a clearer judgment respecting Paul and his cause, by consulting Agrippa, whose experience and knowledge of Jewish affairs would enable him to give advice, particularly as his religion and that of the Jews was the same.

b. There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix.—It will at once be seen that Festus is desirous of demonstrating to the king, on the one hand, his own integrity of character and his conscientiousness and zeal in discharging the duties of his office, and of exhibiting, on the other, the great excellence of the Roman system of laws to Agrippa, who, although, his superior in rank, was virtually his vassal. All this appears, for instance, in his report, Act_25:16, of the answer, which, as he alleges, he had given to the Jews, although that answer differs widely in its form the one which he really gave them, Act_25:4-5.—The context here assigns to χαρίζεσθαι the meaning: to condemn one man in order to oblige another. Τόπον ἀπολ. λάβ., is a Latinized phrase, viz., locum respondendi accipere.

Act_25:18-19. They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed.—The bitterness of feeling with which the Jews had assailed Paul, led Festus to imagine that they would accuse him of some very serious crime; but he soon ascertained that the whole case turned on certain religious questions. The Roman here designedly employs the word δεισιδαιμονία, which Agrippa might take in a good or a bad sense; see Act_17:22 [Exeg. note, b.]. He says, moreover, τ. ἰδιάς δεισιδ., as if he regarded the prince himself as a pagan, or, at least, as a man who was too enlightened to be seriously influenced by the superstition of the Jews. [“Δεισιδ. religion, not superstition. Agrippa was known to be a zealous Jew, and Festus would not have been so uncourteous as to describe his faith by an offensive term.” (Hackett).—Tr.]. The remark which Festus made concerning Jesus, clearly shows, that, in the course of the former proceedings, much had been said, which Luke has not recorded. The general tone, moreover, of the remarks of the Roman is that which characterizes the conversation of one who is a mere man of the world; he glides over the most important and holy subjects, without manifesting any interest in, or any respect for, them, especially when he refers to the Person of Jesus, and to the testimony of Paul; the latter, (namely, that Jesus was alive,) he disparages by representing it be a mere assertion (φάσκειν).

Act_25:20-22. And because I doubted, etc.—The procurator represents the proposal which he had made to Paul, namely, that the latter should proceed to Jerusalem and there be judged, as one that was well meant; he explains it as having proceeded from a wish to submit an investigation, which he did not himself feel competent to conduct, to a more appropriate tribunal. [“Τηρηθῆναι, Act_25:21, does not stand elliptically for εἰς τὸ τηρηθ. (Grotius, Wolf, Heinr. and others); this infinitive, on the contrary, contains the object of ἐπικαλεσαμένου, or the matter of the appeal that was made.” (Meyer).—For ἐβουλόμην, without ἄν, see Winer: Gram. § 41. a. 2.—Tr.]. Ὁ Σεβαστος, Augustus. [“This title was first conferred by the senate on Octavianus—and borne by all succeeding emperors.” (Alf.).—Tr.]

Act_25:23-25. And on the morrow, etc.—The word φαντασία acquired among the later Greek writers, as Plutarch, Diodorus, etc., the signification of pomp, display, exhibition, procession. Fantasia signifies even yet, in all the western maritime regions of Turkey, lustre or splendor (Zeitschr. der deutsch-morgenländ. Ges. XI. 3. p. 484). [Χιλιάρχοις, the tribunes of five cohorts stationed at Cesarea, Jos. Jewish War. iii. 4. 2. (Meyer).—Tr.].—It was a numerous and splendid assembly before which Paul appeared. Festus, who presented him in a solemn manner, intentionally gave additional importance to the occasion, and, no doubt, also to himself, by alleging, in terms of exaggeration, that the whole Jewish community had applied to him in reference to this man.

Act_25:26-27. Unto my Lord, τῷ κυρίῳ.—The Commander, Dominus, was a title which not only Augustus, but even Tiberius, had positively declined to accept, as it belonged to the gods alone, e. g., Tac. Annal. II. 87; Suet. Aug. 53; Tiber. 27. But the emperors who succeeded them, willingly received this honorable appellation, and, at the time when the present events occurred, it was frequently employed. [“Caligula accepted the title—Herod Agrippa had applied it to Claudius—but it was not a recognized title of any emperor before Domitian. Suet. Dom. 13.” (Alf.).—Tr.]. Ἀσφαλές τι, i.e., a charge made in precise and definite terms.

DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL

1. Although the frame of mind of this pagan officer did not qualify him for understanding religious truth, he nevertheless rightly perceived that the main difficulty between Paul and his Jewish opponents, referred to the Person of Jesus, and, specially, to the question whether He was, or was not, risen. That Jesus had died on the cross, was a fact which both parties admitted. But Paul maintained that He now lived, inasmuch as he had risen from the grave; the truth of this statement the Jews in the most positive terms denied. The conversion, indeed, of Paul, by which he became another man, was originally established on his firm conviction of the truth: the Crucified One lives! It had been demonstrated to him by the appearance of Jesus. Hence his statement of that great fact, was the statement of an eye-witness—it was, strictly speaking, testimony, whereas Festus supposed that it was a mere assertion founded on a delusion. The resurrection of Jesus is, and must continue to be, the central fact of redemption through Christ—(a) in a historical point of view, since, without it, the church of Christ would not have obtained an historical existence and been perpetuated; (b) in a doctrinal point of view, in reference both to the Person and to the Work of Christ; (c) as the source of life and power, since He who believes in the Risen One, lives and receives divine strength through Him; (d) in view of the future, since all the Christian hopes of the individual and of mankind, depend on the resurrection-life of the Redeemer, and are sustained and confirmed by it.

2. It is true that Festus did not state his real motive, when he alleged that his own incompetence to investigate the case of Paul, had led him to propose that it should be transferred to Jerusalem. Still, his language, as given in Act_25:20, shows that he formed a correct opinion of the case. Instead of claiming that, in view of his lofty secular position, he was qualified to understand and decide all manner of controversies, he does not regard it as incompatible with the dignity of his station to confess with all candor, that in this particular case, he was completely at a loss (ἀπορία), when a decision was asked of him. And, far from dictatorially and peremptorily deciding in a case involving a point of faith, he would prefer to submit the decision to suitable persons. This is an instance in which the magistrate most honorably confines himself within certain limits, rendering to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s. He is a model for every Christian government, with regard to the course which should be observed in matters that concern the faith and the Church.

HOMILETICAL AND PRACTICAL

Act_25:14. And when they had been there many days.—The first days were doubtless devoted to amusements, such as are usually prepared to do honor to distinguished strangers. But when, after many days, these were exhausted, they turned their attention to the case of Paul. (Rieger).

Act_25:16. To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans, etc.—It were to be wished that this equitable rule or principle of the Roman law were engraved on stone and brass, and placed in a conspicuous place in the palaces of great lords, and in all court-houses, but still more, that it were inscribed on the hearts of all judges and magistrates, Job_19:23-24. They are merely hangmen, and not judges, who begin with the execution, and condemn an accused person, whether he be innocent or guilty, without giving him a hearing or a fair trial. The Gentiles were more rational and just, and they will be the judges of such men; Mat_26:66. (Starke).—Festus describes, in his address to Agrippa, his own sense of justice and his impartial procedure, with much ostentation. But when we closely examine the whole transaction, it plainly appears that he did not express his real sentiments. We are told in Act_25:9, that he wished to confer a favor on the Jews. He was disposed to employ indirect means for delivering up Paul to them in Jerusalem, and was prevented from executing his purpose solely by the appeal made to the emperor. He was a mere man of the world, who was anxious to be popular among all classes, and he trimmed the sails according to the direction of the wind. This is by nature the evil tendency of us all. We are very ready to set forth our own merits, and to justify all our actions, although our conscience may convict us of many human infirmities. (Ap. Past.).

Act_25:19. But had certain questions against him of their own superstition (according to Luther’s version). [and the Engl. version.—Tr.],—Festus does not here speak of the Jewish religion with that respect which we would expect, since Agrippa, whom he addressed, was I himself a Jew. But as great lords are often supposed to entertain in their hearts very little regard for the religion which they externally profess, an insolent tongue does not hesitate to speak contemptuously of it in their presence. (Rieger).—And of one Jesus, which, was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. This report of Festus demonstrates that when Paul spoke in defence of himself before the chief council at Jerusalem, and, subsequently, before Festus, he did not confine himself to the general subject of the resurrection, but also taught and maintained this doctrine in its connection with the resurrection of Jesus. For it was a main point in his controversy with the Jews that, according to his testimony, that Jesus whom they had slain, had risen again, and was alive. Festus regarded the subject of the dispute itself as a mere matter of superstition, that was too trivial to claim attention. And yet it was (and still is) the central truth of the whole Christian faith—the prominent landmark which separated the Jewish (and modern) infidelity from the faith of the whole church of Christ. (Ap. Past.).

Act_25:20. And because I doubted [was at a loss] etc.—We cannot listen without a feeling of abhorrence to the disparaging language which Festus, a pagan, and a man of the world, in his great ignorance, employs respecting the controverted point of the truth of the resurrection of Jesus; and yet we cannot but commend the moderation and equity which he, at the same time, shows; for he not only does not dictatorially pronounce judgment when such questions of faith or religion are presented; but is not even willing to admit the controversy before his judgment-seat. This pagan is governed in the present instance by better principles than many Christian rulers are, who do not scruple to treat religious controversies as if they were civil matters, to forbid the promulgation of doctrines and truths, under the penalty of excommunication, fire, and the sword, and to constitute themselves judges of the consciences of men. (Ap. Past.).

Act_25:22. Then Agrippa said unto Festus, etc.—It was doubtless not simply by curiosity that Agrippa was influenced; such a feeling Festus had not made special efforts to awaken in him. A flash of lightning, or, at least, a gleam of light, had entered his soul; he had a presentiment that, in the present case, heavenly things were involved. (Williger).

Act_25:23. When Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, etc.—How soon that glory faded away before the simple words of the man of God! (Williger).—Here again God provided for His servant a numerous audience, consisting of eminent and influential men, to whom it now became Paul’s duty to preach the Gospel. (All this was in accordance with the words: “He is a chosen vessel unto me, to bear my name before the Gentiles, and kings, and the children of Israel,” Act_9:15). Paul had recently found a season of repose, and had been allowed to have intercourse with his friends (Act_24:23). Soon afterwards he was brought before Festus, when the hostile Jews were present, and on that occasion testified that Jesus, the Crucified One, was alive. He now bears witness in the presence of kings, princes, and a large assembly.—Here we adore the faithfulness of our God, who continually leads His servants forward and employs them, even when they are most despised by the world; He opens a door for them, when the world proposes to fetter and incarcerate them. But we also revere such a servant of Jesus, whom God could employ in every capacity—as a witness of his Lord’s sufferings—as an exhorter of the people—as a preacher of His resurrection—as the herald of His grace before emperors and kings. The Lord grant us, too, His grace, so that we may serve Him in all things, and, that, when He employs us, we may appear as faithful servants! (Ap. Past.).

Act_25:24. Ye see this man.—“Behold the man!” Joh_19:5. (Williger).

Act_25:26. Wherefore I have brought him forth … before thee, O king Agrippa.—So, too, Pilate sent Jesus to Herod, Luk_23:7. (Williger).

Act_25:27. For it seemeth to me unreasonable, etc.—Statesmen readily comprehend that it is an unreasonable course to imprison men, or inflict any other punishment upon them, on account of their religion; but their conduct is not always in accordance with their opinion. The supposed interests of the state may prevail even over reason, Mat_23:3. (Starke).—When the highest civil authorities and tribunals, after receiving an appeal, at times respond by issuing unjust rescripts or decrees, one of the causes may be possibly found in the dishonesty of the official reports that had been transmitted; for the decision conforms to the report. O that princes, and men in authority, would see with their own eyes, listen to the complaints of the miserable and oppressed, and not invariably depend on the statements of their counsellors and officers! (id.).

ON THE WHOLE SECTION, Act_25:13-27.—The judgment of the people of the world concerning matters of faith: I. The highest standard by which they are governed, is the civil law, as in the case of Festus, Act_25:13-18; II. Their judgment respecting the objects of faith is depreciatory; they assign these to the domain of superstition, and even pride themselves on their inability to understand such questions, Act_25:19-21; III. Their interest in such subjects proceeds, as in the case of Agrippa, from curiosity, or is awakened by external circumstances, Act_25:22. (Lisco).

Why should those be accounted blessed, who are persecuted for the truth’s sake? I. Because it is precisely by such persecution that their innocence is most plainly proved, Act_25:18 ff.; II. Because persecution affords them an opportunity to bear witness to the truth, Act_25:22 ff. (id.).

The principles of an impartial administration of justice, as stated by Festus. Act_25:14-27 : I. All should be done that properly belongs to such an administration of justice; (a) with respect to the accusers—to receive and hear them patiently, Act_25:15; Act_25:17-18; (b) with respect to the accused—to listen with impartiality to their defence, and protect their persons against the craft and violence of their enemies, Act_25:16; Act_25:18; Act_25:21. II. All should be avoided that does not belong to it; (a) not to claim the right of judgment in matters of faith, Act_25:19-20; Act_25:26; (b) not arbitrarily to anticipate the decision of a higher judge, Act_25:25, but rather conscientiously to prepare the way for it, Act_25:26-27.

Mere intellectual culture, an incompetent guide in matters of Christian truth: I. It regards the most precious articles of the Christian faith as the offspring of superstition, and consequently as not being worthy of attention, Act_25:19-20; II. It regards the living Head of the Church as “one Jesus which was dead,” and it is not conscious of His vital power and gracious presence, Act_25:19; III. It regards the chosen servants of God as eccentric and incomprehensible men, with whom it knows not how to deal, Act_25:24-27.

Festus and Paul, or, The plain man of God, elevated far above the distinguished man of the world. He is elevated far above him, I. By that internal nobility which his adoption as a child of God, confers, and before which all the pride of rank fades away, Act_25:23; II. By the wide field of view which faith opens, with respect to which all mere secular culture is compelled to confess its ignorance, Act_25:19-20; Act_25:26; III. By the firm bearing which his unblamable walk before God enables him to maintain, while the loose morality of the world fluctuates between right and wrong, truth and error, Act_25:9; Act_25:20; Act_25:26.

The words of Agrippa concerning Paul: “I would also hear the man myself,” (Act_25:22), according to the various meanings which have been assigned to them: I. As the wish inspired by mere curiosity, which simply seeks entertainment for the passing hour; II. As the wish prompted by a secular desire for knowledge, expecting interesting matters of information; III. As the wish which a devout desire for salvation inspired, animated by the consciousness that spiritual instructions were needed (applied to our practice of attending public worship, hearing sermons, reading books of devotion, etc.).

Paul, the servant of God, in the presence of princes and rulers at Cesarea; we observe in the scene before us, I. The glory of the Lord, who (a) opens a door for his servants even when they are fettered or imprisoned; (b) and whose word knocks alike at the lofty palace and the lowly hut; II. The fidelity of His servant, who every where delivers his testimony for the Lord, (a) not dazzled by the splendor of human greatness; (b) nor enfeebled by the chains of his personal afflictions.

The audience-chamber of the governor at Cesarea: I. A magnificent apartment, exhibiting earthly glory—the display made by the assembled nobility, etc., Act_25:23; soon afterwards, II. An apartment in which holy doctrines were proclaimed, when the apostle offered his testimony, Act_26:1-23; and, ultimately, III. A judgment-hall of the divine majesty—when the apostolical discourse exposed the secrets of the heart, Act_26:24-32.

Footnotes:

[7]Act_25:15. [The text. rec. reads δίκην, with E. G. H., whereas A. B. C., Cod. Sin. (Vulg. damnationem) exhibit καταδίκην. Lach., Tisch., Born, and Alf. adopt the latter.—Tr.]

[8]Act_25:16. In some manuscripts [G. H.], and versions [Syr. etc.], ἄνθρωπον is followed by εἰς ἀπώλειαν [as in text. rec.]; the two words are obviously an explanatory addition. [They are not found in A. B. C. E. Cod. Sin., and are omitted by many recent editors—Tr.].

[9]Act_25:20. [Instead of doubted of such, etc. (Wicl., Tynd., Cranmer), the margin of the Engl. Bible offers the following version: I was doubtful how to inquire hereof. “The marginal version .. is probably nearer to the sense of the original, than that given in the text, though both are paraphrases rather than translations.” (Alex.).—Τούτου before ζήτησιν, of text. rec., with H., is changed to τούτων by Lach., Tisch., and Alf., in accordance with A. B. C. E. G., Cod. Sin., Syr.—Lechler’s translation indicates that he retains the singular.—Tr.]

[10]Act_25:21. [For hearing, the margin proposes judgment. The Greek word is .. “applied in the classics to any discriminating judgment and decision.” (Alex.).—For πέμψω, of text. rec., with G. H., Lach., Tisch., Born., and Alf. read ἀναπέμψω with A. B. C. E. Cod. Sin.—Tr.]

[11]Act_25:25. a. καταλαβόμενος is indeed sustained by less decisive external evidence than κατελαβόμην, but the internal evidence in the same degree sustains the former, rather than the latter; if the finite verb had been originally employed, it would, unquestionably, not have been changed into the participle. [The participle, as adopted by the text. rec., is found in G. H., and is retained by Alt.; but Lach., Tisch., and Born., with A. B. C. E. read κατελαβόμην. Vulg., ego vero comperi.—Cod. Sin. (original) read καταλαβομενος, which a later hand, C, altered to κατελαβομην.—Tr.]

[12]Act_25:25. b. [αὐτόν after πέμπειν, of text. rec., with E. G. H., is dropped by Lach., Tisch., and Alf., in accordance with A. B. C. Cod. Sin., Vulg.—Tr.]

[13]Act_25:26. [The last word of the verse in the text. rec. is γράψαι, as found in E. G. H., and this reading is retained by several editors (Knapp, Scholz., etc.). Lach., Tisch., and Alf. read γράψω with A. B. C., Cod. Sin.—Tr.]

Lange's Commentary on the Holy Scriptures (Critical, Doctrinal, and Homiletical), ed. John Peter Lange, English translation edited by Philip Schaff (1864–1880) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

PAUL’S TRIAL BEFORE KING AGRIPPA.

(Act 25:13 to Act 26:32)

This, by far the greatest prosecution of all, had no reference to the immediate destiny of Paul, i. e., they are no longer trying for his life, as that matter has gone out of their hands, transferred to the emperor the moment Festus and his court admitted Paul’s appeal. But having admitted the appeal, Festus finds himself in a terrible dilemma, apparently unanticipated, i. e., having admitted the appeal, and put himself in a position where he is forced by law to send Paul to Rome to be tried by the emperor, and, at the same time, having not a solitary allegation recognizable in Roman law to send along with he criminal. Hence Festus sees that he has exposed himself to criticism and burlesque, probably to his own serious official detriment. Will not the emperor say, “Is not this pro-consul of Judea green as a gourd, to send to me a prisoner for trial, and not a solitary criminal charge against him”? Hence we are not astonished at the solicitude of Festus and his serious dilemma in the matter. When King Agrippa, a prince of the celebrated Herodian family, accompanied by his queen, Bernice, come from Chalcis [their dominion, under the Roman emperor, the title of king being a mere courtesy, because lie was a member of the Herodian dynasty, though now only a Roman pro-consul], come down to Caesarea to pay Festus a royal visit, the latter, who is now much exercised over his dilemma in Paul’s case, relates the whole matter to Agrippa, begging him, if possible, to help him out of the entanglement. In all this we are gratified with the high-toned integrity of Festus, in contradistinction to the condescending strategy and turpitude of his official predecessor, the unfortunate Felix.

Describing to King Agrippa the trial of Paul at his tribunal, in which he had appealed to Caesar, lie very beautifully alludes to the transparent rascality of the high priest and his confederates:

William B. Godbey, Commentary on the New Testament (1896–1900) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

25:13-22 Festus discussed Paul’s case with Herod Agrippa II (ruled AD 50–100), who had come to Caesarea to make a courtesy call on the new governor.

Tyndale Open Study Notes — © Tyndale Open Resources, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

Act 25:13. Βερνίκη, Bernice) Sister of Agrippa—τὸν Φῆστον, Festus) the new governor.

Bengel's Gnomon of the New Testament — English translation (T&T Clark, Edinburgh, 1860) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act_25:13. This Marcus Agrippa was the well-meaning, but too weak, Herod Agrippa II., son of the elder Agrippa, grandson of Aristobulus, and the great-grandson of Herod I. Soon after the death of his father (Act_12:23) he received from Claudius, at whose court he was brought up (Joseph. Antt. xix. 9. 2, xx. 1. 1), the principality of Chalcis, and instead of this, four years afterwards (A.D. 53), from the same emperor, the former tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias, along with the title of king (Joseph. Antt. xx. 7. 1); and at a later period, from Nero, a further considerable increase of territory. He did not die till the third year of Trajan, being the last reigning prince of the Herodian house. See Ewald, p. 555 ff.; Gerlach in the Luther. Zeitschr. 1869, p. 62 ff.

Βερνίκη, also Beronice and Berenice (i.e. equivalent to Φερενίκη, Sturz, Dial. Maced. p. 31), was his sister, formerly the wife of her uncle Herod the prince of Chalcis, after whose death she lived with her brother,probably in an incestuous relation (Joseph. Antt. xx. 7. 3),a state of matters which was only for a short time interrupted by a second marriage, soon again dissolved, with the Cilician king Polemon (Joseph. Antt. xx. 7. 5). At a later period still she became mistress of the Emperors Vespasian and Titus. See Gerlach, l.c.

ἀσπασόμενοι] It was quite in keeping with the relation of a Roman vassal, that he should welcome the new procurator soon after his accession to office.

Meyer — Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament — English translation by Peter Christie, edited by Frederick Crombie (T&T Clark, 1880) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:13 . Ἀγρ . ὁ βασιλεὺς : this was Herod Agrippa II., son of Agrippa I., whose tragic end is recorded in chap. 12. At the time of his father’s death he was only seventeen, and for a time he lived in retirement, as Claudius was persuaded not to entrust him with the kingdom of Judæa. But on the death of Herod, king of Chalcis, A.D. 48, Claudius not only gave the young Agrippa the vacant throne, A.D. 50, but transferred to him the government of the Temple, and the right of appointing the high priest. His opinion on religious questions would therefore be much desired by Festus. Subsequently he obtained the old tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, and the title of king was bestowed upon him. We have thus a proof of St. Luke’s accuracy in that he calls him βασιλεύς , cf. Act 26:27 , but not king of Judæa, although he was the last Jewish king in Palestine. Bernice and Drusilla were his sisters. He offended the Jews not only by building his palace so as to overlook the Temple, but also by his constant changes in the priesthood. In the Jewish wax he took part with the Romans, by whom at its close he was confirmed in the government of his kingdom, and received considerable additions to it. When Titus, after the fall of Jerusalem, celebrated his visit to Cæsarea Philippi Herod’s capital, called by him Neronias in honour of Nero by magnificent games and shows, it would seem that Agrippa must have been present; and if so, he doubtless joined as a Roman in the rejoicings over the fete of his people, Hamburger, Real-Encyclopädie des Judentums , ii., 1, 30, “Agrippa II.”; Schürer, Jewish People , div. i., vol. ii., p. 191 ff., “Herod’ (6), Hastings’ B.D., Farrar, The Herods , p. 193 ff. (1898). Βερνίκη ( Βερεν . = Macedonian form of φερενίκη , see Blass, in loco , and C.I.G. , 361; C.I. Att. , iii., i., 556, Headlam in Hastings’ B.D.): the eldest of the three daughters of Agrippa I. She was betrothed, but apparently never married, to Marcus, son of Alexander, the Alabarch of Alexandria (see Schürer for correct reading of Jos., Ant. , xix., 5, 1, Jewish People , div. i., vol. ii., p. 342, note). On his death at the age of thirteen she was married to her uncle, Herod of Chalcis, Jos., u.s. , but after a few years she was left a widow, and lived in the house of her brother Agrippa II. In order to allay the worst suspicions which were current as to this intimacy, she married Polemon, king of Cilicia, Ant. , xx., 7, 3 (Juv., Sat. , vi., 156 ff.), but she soon left him and resumed the intimacy with her brother. Like Agrippa she showed openly at least a certain deference for the Jewish religion, and on one occasion, says Schürer, u.s. , p. 197, we find even her, a bigot as well as a wanton, a Nazirite in Jerusalem, B.J. , ii., 15, 1. This was in A.D. 66, and she endeavoured while in the capital to stay the terrible massacre of Florus “the one redeeming feature of her career,” B.D. 2 . But later on, exasperated by the Jewish populace who burnt her palace, she became, like her brother, a partisan of the Romans, and in turn the mistress of Vespasian and of Titus, Tac., Hist. , ii., 81; Suet., Tit. , 7; Jos., B.J. , ii., 17, 6. O. Holtzmann, Neutest. Zeitgeschichte , p. 83, speaks of Drusilla as a worthy sister of Bernice: he might have said the same of the other sister, Mariamne, since she too left her husband for the wealth of Demetrius, the Jewish Alabarch of Alexandria, Jos., Ant. , xx., 7, 3. ἀσπασόμενοι , see critical note. No doubt an official visit of congratulation paid by Agrippa as a Roman vassal upon the procurator’s entry on his office. The future participle makes the sense quite easy, but if we read the aorist it looks as if Agrippa and Bernice had previously saluted Felix, and afterwards came to his official residence, Cæsarea. Rendall includes in κατήντησαν not only the notion of arrival but also of settling down for a stay short or long: “came to stay at Cæsarea and saluted Felix” (aorist), but see Simcox, Language of the N. T. , p. 125.

The Expositor's Greek Testament, edited by W. Robertson Nicoll (1897–1910) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

This Agrippa was Agrippa’s son, whose death Luke spake of before, and Bernice was his sister.

Festus thinking no such thing, even before kings, bringing to light the wickedness of the Jews, and Paul’s innocence, doth marvelously confirm the Church of God.

Geneva Bible (1599) marginal notes — public domain. Text via Bolls.life.

Verse 13. King Agrippa] This was the son of Herod Agrippa, who is mentioned Ac 12:1. Upon the death of his father's youngest brother, Herod, he succeeded him in the kingdom of Chalcis, by the favour of the Emperor Claudius: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 4, s. 2; and Bell. lib. ii. cap. 12, s. 1. Afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one, giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, which contained Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulonitis. He gave him, likewise, the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and the province which Varus had governed. Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6, s. 1; Bell. lib. ii. cap. 19, s. 8. Nero made a farther addition, and gave him four cities, Abila, Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea and Tiberias in Galilee: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 4; Bell. lib. ii. cap 13, s. 2. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 1, s. 3; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 8, 11. This king was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling against them; and, when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted in the siege of Jerusalem: he survived the ruin of his country several years. See Bishop Pearce and Calmet.

Bernice, or, as she is sometimes called, Berenice, was sister of this Agrippa, and of the Drusilla mentioned Ac 24:24: She was at first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, Jos. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 9, s. 1; and, on his death, went to live with her brother Agrippa, with whom she was violently suspected to lead an incestuous life. Juvenal, as usual, mentions this in the broadest manner-Sat. vi. ver. 155:-

Deinde adamas notissimus, et Berenices

In digito factus pretiosior: hunc dedit olim

Barbarus incestae, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

"Next, a most valuable diamond, rendered more precious by being put on the finger of Berenice; a barbarian gave it to this incestuous woman formerly; and Agrippa gave this to his sister."

Josephus mentions the report of her having criminal conversation with her brother Agrippa, φημης επισχουσης, ὁτι τἀδελφῳ συνῃει. To shield herself from this scandal, she persuaded Polemo, king of Cilicia, to embrace the Jewish religion, and marry her; this he was induced to do on account of her great riches; but she soon left him, and he revolted to heathenism: see Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 3. After this, she lived often with her brother, and her life was by no means creditable; she had, however, address to ingratiate herself with Titus Vespasian, and there were even rumours of her becoming empress-propterque insignem reginae Berenices amorem, cui etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur.-Suet. in Vit. Titi. Which was prevented by the murmurs of the Roman people: Berenicen statim ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitam.-Ibid. Tacitus also, Hist. lib. ii. cap. 1, speaks of her love intrigue with Titus. From all accounts she must have been a woman of great address; and, upon the whole, an exceptionable character.

Adam Clarke's Commentary on the Bible (1810–1826) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

13. And after certain days. This long narration tendeth to this end, that we may know that though the handling of the cause were broken off, yet were Paul’s bands famous; and that he was nevertheless brought out of prison, that he might make profession of his faith, and dispute touching the gospel before a famous auditory; and again, that though he were contemned, yet was he not counted a wicked person, lest the glory of Christ should be abased by his slander and reproach, yea, that he had more liberty to preach the gospel being in prison, than if he had lived free in a private house.

King Agrippa and Bernice. It is certain that this Agrippa was son to Agrippa the elder, whose filthy and detestable death was set down in the twelfth chapter. When this man was made king of Chalcis, in his uncle’s stead, after the decease of his father, he did afterward obtain a more large dominion. Bernice, of whom mention is made in this place, was his own natural sister, which was first married to Herod; king of Chalcis, her uncle, and did keep herself widow a certain season after his death, yet she did not live honestly and chastely during that time; for her great familiarity with her brother Agrippa was suspected. And to the end she might not be counted an incestuous person, she married with Polemon, king of Cilicia. Notwithstanding, because she gave herself more to lust than to chastity, she forsook him. The historiographers do nowhere say that she was her brother’s wife; and Josephus, in his Life, assigned her a dominion of her own in part of Galilee. Therefore, it is to be thought that forasmuch as they were hardened in their wickedness, they dwelt together, not regarding what men did say; yet did they abstain from marriage, lest their incestuous marriage should betray and also augment their crime. Neither is it any marvel that he came for honor’s sake to salute the governor, who did reign only at the will and pleasure of another, and did depend upon the beck and favor of the Emperor of Rome, which he was to retain and nourish by means of the governor.

John Calvin's Commentaries (1540-1563) — public domain. Text from the Calvin Translation Society English edition (1840s-50s) via the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (ccel.org). Calvin's coverage is partial (roughly two-thirds of the Bible); uncommented books and verses are honest gaps, never fabricated. The 19th-century editor's footnotes and remarks are omitted so the notes are faithfully Calvin's own voice.

(13) King Agrippa and Bernice.—Each of the characters thus brought on the scene has a somewhat memorable history. (1) The former closes the line of the Herodian house. He was the son of the Agrippa whose tragic end is related in Act_12:20-23, and was but seventeen years of age at the time of his father’s death, in A.D. 44. He did not succeed to the kingdom of Judæa, which was placed under the government of a procurator; but on the death of his uncle Herod, the king of Chalcis, in A.D. 48, received the sovereignty of that region from Claudius, and with it the superintendence of the Temple and the nomination of the high priests. Four years later he received the tetrarchies that had been governed by his great-uncles Philip and Lysanias (Luk_3:1), with the title of king. In A.D. 55 Nero increased his kingdom by adding some of the cities of Galilee (Jos. Ant. xix. 9, § 1; xx. 1, § 3; 8, § 5). He lived to see the destruction of Jerusalem, and died under Trajan (A.D. 100) at the age of seventy-three. (2) The history of Bernice, or Berenice (the name seems to have been a Macedonian form of Pherenice) reads like a horrible romance, or a page from the chronicles of the Borgias. She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I., and was married at an early age to her uncle the king of Chalcis. Alliances of this nature were common in the Herodian house, and the Herodias of the Gospels passed from an incestuous marriage to an incestuous adultery. (See Note on Mat_14:1.) On his death Berenice remained for some years a widow, but dark rumours began to spread that her brother Agrippa, who had succeeded to the principality of Chalcis, and who gave her, as in the instance before us, something like queenly honours, was living with her in a yet darker form of incest, and was reproducing in Judæa the vices of which his father’s friend, Caligula, had set so terrible an example (Sueton. Calig. c. 24). With a view to screening herself against these suspicions she persuaded Polemon, king of Cilicia, to take her as his queen, and to profess himself a convert to Judaism, as Azizus had done for her sister Drusilla (see Note on Act_24:24), and accept circumcision. The ill-omened marriage did not prosper. The queen’s unbridled passions once more gained the mastery. She left her husband, and he got rid at once of her and her religion. Her powers of fascination, however, were still great, and she knew how to profit by them in the hour of her country’s ruin. Vespasian was attracted by her queenly dignity, and yet more by the magnificence of her queenly gifts. His son Titus took his place in her long list of lovers. She came as his mistress to Rome, and it was said that he had promised her marriage. This, however, was more than even the senate of the empire could tolerate, and Titus was compelled by the pressure of public opinion to dismiss her, out his grief in doing so was matter of notoriety, “Dimisit invitus invitam” (Sueton. Titus, c. 7 Tacit. Hist. ii. 81; Jos. Ant. xx. 7, § 3). The whole story furnished Juvenal with a picture of depravity which stands almost as a pendent to that of Messalina (Sat. vi. 155–9).

To salute Festus.—This visit was probably, as the word indicates, of the nature of a formal recognition of the new procurator on his arrival in the province.

A Bible Commentary for English Readers, edited by Charles John Ellicott (1878–1897) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

13–22. Festus consults King Agrippa about his prisoner. Agrippa wishes to hear Paul’s defence

13. And after certain days] More literally, but with no manifest gain, Rev. Ver. gives “Now when certain days were passed.”

king Agrippa] This was Herod Agrippa II., son of Herod Agrippa I., and consequently a great-grandson of Herod the Great. He was therefore brother of Bernice and Drusilla. On account of his youth he was not appointed to succeed his father when he died. But after a time the Roman Emperor gave him the kingdom of Chalcis, from which he was subsequently transferred to govern the tetrarchies formerly held by Philip and Lysanias, and was named king thereof. His kingdom was afterwards increased by the grant of other cities which Nero gave him. At the fall of Jerusalem he retired to Rome, with his sister Bernice, and there died a.d. 100. He had sided with the Romans in the war against the Holy City. Festus was likely to avail himself of an opportunity of consulting Agrippa, for he would expect to be soundly advised by him on any question of Jewish law.

and Bernice] She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. She had first been married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis. Her connexion with her brother Agrippa II. was spoken of both by Roman and Jewish writers as sinful. She was subsequently married to Polemon, king of Cilicia, but soon left him and lived with Agrippa II. in Rome.

came unto Cesarea to salute Festus] Rev. Ver., following MSS., gives “arrived at Cæsarea, and saluted Festus,” with a marginal rendering “having saluted.” This would seem to imply that the salutation had taken place elsewhere than at Cæsarea. This is very improbable. Cæsarea was the official residence of the governor, and thither would the vassal-king Agrippa come to pay his formal visit of welcome to the representative of Rome.

The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges (gen. ed. J. J. S. Perowne; Cambridge University Press, 1878–1918) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

And after certain days,.... Several days after the above appeal made by Paul:

King Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus: this King Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa, who killed James the brother of John, and of whose death mention is made in Act 12:1 the Jewish chronologer (h) calls him Agrippa the Second, the son of Agrippa the First, the fifth king of the family of Herod: he was not king of Judea, this was reduced again into a province by Claudius; and upon the death of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, he was by the said emperor made king of that place, who afterwards removed him from thence to a greater kingdom, and gave him the tetrarchy, which was Philip's, his great uncle's; namely, Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulanitis, to which he added the kingdom of Lysanias; (see Luk 3:1) and the province which Varus had; and to these Nero added four cities, with what belonged to them; in Peraea, Abila and Julias, and in Galilee, Tarichea and Tiberias (i). The Jewish writers often make mention of him, calling him, as here, King Agrippa; See Gill on Act 26:3, and so does Josephus (k). According to the above chronologer (l) he was had to Rome by Vespasian, when he went to be made Caesar; and was put to death by him, three years and a half before the destruction of the temple; though others say he lived some years after it: and some of the Jewish writers affirm, that in his days the temple was destroyed (m). Agrippa, though he was a Jew, his name was a Roman name; Augustus Caesar had a relation of this name (n), who had a son of the same name, and a daughter called Agrippina; and Herod the great being much obliged to the Romans, took the name from them, and gave it to one of his sons, the father of this king: the name originally was given to such persons, who at their birth came forth not with their heads first, as is the usual way of births, but with their feet first, and which is accounted a difficult birth; and "ab aegritudine", from the grief, trouble, and weariness of it, such are called Agrippas (o). Bernice, who is said to be with King Agrippa, is not the name of a man, as some have supposed, because said to sit in the judgment hall with the king, but of a woman; so called, in the dialect of the Macedonians, for Pheronice, which signifies one that carries away the victory; and this same person is, in Suetonius (p), called Queen Beronice, for whom Titus the emperor is said to have a very great love, and was near upon marrying her: she was not wife of Agrippa, as the Arabic version reads, but his sister; his father left besides him, three daughters, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, which last was the wife of Felix, Act 24:24. Bernice was first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis (q), and after his death to Polemon, king of Cilicia, from whom she separated, and lived in too great familiarity with her brother Agrippa, as she had done before her second marriage, as was suspected (r), to which incest Juvenal refers (s); and with whom she now was, who came together to pay a visit to Festus, upon his coming to his government, and to congratulate him upon it.

(h) Ganz Tzemach David, par. 1. fol. 26. 1. (i) Joseph. de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 11. sect. 5. & c. 12. sect. 1. 8. & c. 13. sect. 2. (k) Antiqu. l. 20. c. 8. sect. 1. (l) Tzemach David, ib. col. 2. (m) Jarchi & Bartenora in Misn. Sota, c. 7. sect. 8. (n) Sueton. in Vita Augusti, c. 63, 64. (o) A. Gell. Noct. Attic. l. 16. c. 16. (p) In Vita Titi, c. 7. (q) Joseph. Antiqu. l. 19. c. 5. sect. 1. & c. 9. sect. 1. & de Bello Jud. l. 2. c. 11. sect. 5, 6. (r) Antiqu. l. 20. c. 6. sect. 3. (s) Satyr 6.

John Gill's Exposition of the Whole Bible (1746–1763) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

13 And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus.

Ver. 13. King Agrippa and Bernice] Son and daughter to that Herod mentioned Act 12:1. They were known, saith Josephus, to live in detestable incest. It pleased God that his faithful servant Paul should plead for his life before these two filthy beasts; which he did freely and modestly.

John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon All the Books of the Old and New Testament (1647–1656) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

After certain days, king Agrippa - This Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa Act 12:1, and great-grandson of Herod the Great. His mother’s name was Cypros (Josephus, Jewish Wars, book 2, chapter 11, section 6). When his father died he was at Rome with the Emperor Claudius. Josephus says that the emperor was inclined to bestow upon him all his father’s dominions, but was dissuaded by his ministers. The reason of this was, that it was thought imprudent to bestow so large a kingdom on so young a man, and one so inexperienced. Accordingly, Claudius sent Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea and of the entire kingdom (Josephus, Antiq., book 19, chapter 9, section 2). When Herod, the brother of his father, Agrippa the Great, died in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius, his kingdom - the kingdom of Chalcis - was bestowed by Claudius on Agrippa (Josephus, Antiq., book 20, chapter 5, section 2). Afterward, he bestowed on him the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added to it Trachonitis with Abila (Antiq., book 20, chapter 7, section 1). After the death of Claudius, Nero, his successor, added to his dominions Julias in Perea and a part of Galilee. Agrippa had been brought up at Rome, and was strongly attached to the Romans. When the troubles commenced in Judea which ended in the destruction of Jerusalem, he did all that he could to preserve peace and order, but in vain. He afterward joined his troops with those of the Romans, and assisted them at the destruction of Jerusalem. After the captivity of that city he went to Rome with his sister Bernice, where he ended his days. He died at the age of seventy years, about 90 a.d. His manner of living with his sister gave occasion to reports respecting him very little to his advantage.

And Bernice - She was sister of Agrippa. She had been married to Herod, king of Chalcis, her own uncle by her father’s side. After his death she proposed to Polemon, king of Pontus and part of Cilicia, that if he would become circumcised she would marry him. He complied, but she did not continue long with him. After she left him she returned to her brother Agrippa, with whom she lived in a manner such as to excite scandal. Josephus directly charges her with incest with her brother Agrippa (Antiq., book 20, chapter 7, section 3).

To salute Festus - To show him respect as the governor of Judea.

Albert Barnes' Notes on the Bible (1834–1885) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

Agrippa. This was son of the king of the same name, who imprisoned St. Peter, and put St. James to death. Bernice was his sister, and one of the most infamous of women. Her character has merited her a place in one of Juvenal’s satires, 5th.

George Leo Haydock (1774–1849), Haydock's Catholic Family Bible and Commentary, 1859 edition — public domain. Excludes Psalms (Douay-Rheims chapter numbering differs from Protestant) and Deuterocanonical books (Catholic canon only).

This Agrippa is called by Josephus, the younger, and was the son of Herod Agrippa, or Agrippa the Great, who in this book of the Acts is called Herod, whose death is mentioned, Act 12:23. But this Agrippa was brother to Drusilla and Bernice, here spoken of, and lived in incest with her, whom Juvenal in his satire speaks of:

Barbarus incestae dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

Matthew Poole's English Annotations on the Holy Bible (1683–1685) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

Now when certain days were passed for and after certain days, A.V.; Agrippa the king and Bernice arrived at for King Agrippa and Bernice came unto, A.V.; and saluted for to salute, A.V. and T.R. Agrippa the king. Herod Agrippa II, son of Herod Agrippa I, (Ac 12) and consequently brother of Drusilla. (Act_24:24) He was only seventeen at his father"s death, and so not considered by Claudius a safe person to entrust his father"s large dominions to. But he gave him Chalets, and afterwards, in exchange for it, other dominions. It was he who made Ismael the son of Phabi high priest, and who built the palace at Jerusalem which overlooked the temple, and gave great offence to the Jews. He was the last of the Herods, and reigned above fifty years. Bernice was his sister, but was thought to be living in an incestuous intercourse with him. She had been the wife of her uncle Herod, Prince of Chalets; and on his death lived with her brother. She then for a while became the wife of Polemo, King of Cicilia, but soon returned to Herod Agrippa. She afterwards became the mistress of Vespasian and of Titus in succession (Alford). And saluted; ajspasomenoi, which reading Meyer and Alford both retain. The reading of the R.T. is ajspasamenoi. It is quite in accordance with the position of a dependent king, that he should come and pay his respects to the new Roman governor at Caesarea.

Vers. 13-27. Audi alteram pattem.

It is a noble principle here ascribed by Festus to Roman justice, never to condemn upon the accusation of any one without giving the accused the power to face his accusers and answer for himself. English law is so conspicuous for its fairness to prisoners that there is no need to insist upon this maxim in regard to courts of justice. But there is great need to urge that the same just principle should rule our private censures and judgments upon our neighbors. It should not be the manner of Christians to believe evil of others, still less to spread reports against them, upon one-sided statements and undefended charges. An accused person has a right to defend himself before he is condemned. A fair judge will suspend his judgment till he has heard the defense. The English law is unwilling to condemn except upon the clearest evidence of guilt. Let there be the same unwillingness to censure a neighbor unless blame be unavoidable. Some charges are made in malice, some in ignorance; some things are positively false; some are true, but lose their truth by being separated from their concomitants; some things are bad if done from one motive, but good if done from another; an explanation may make the whole difference in the aspect of an action. Therefore it should be a settled principle with every just man to condemn no man unheard, even in thought, and to give every one against whom a charge is made an opportunity of defense before the charge is believed to his hurt, or acted upon to his prejudice. "Judge not, and ye shall not be judged: condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned.

Vers. 13-27. Worldly judgment on religious matters.

I ITS SHORT-SIGHTEDNESS. It sees no further than the principles of civil right (vers. 13-18). Herod Agrippa.

II had come to pay his greeting to the new procurator (see Josephus, "Life," and "Bell. Jud:," 2:1). It was only after Agrippa had arrived some days, that Festus seized the opportunity of bringing the matter before him, probably hoping, from his acquaintance with Jewish affairs, that he would help him to a decision concerning Paul. Festus states the rule of equity, the Roman custom of impartiality (ver. 16). He makes a parade of justice, but his secret feelings are hardly in harmony with his profession. He wanted to be popular with the Jews (ver. 9), and was only withheld by Paul"s appeal to Caesar from sending him to Jerusalem. Festus would trim his sails to the wind. He is worldly in purpose, but would act on plausible grounds and render the show of the forms of justice.

III ITS CONTEMPTUOUS ATTITUDE TOWARDS RELIGION. (Vers. 19-21.) The word used by him is literally, "fear of divinity," not necessarily conveying the contemptuous sense of "superstition." But his whole tone is that of contempt: "Concerning one Jesus, who had died, whom Paul said was living." He looks upon the turning-point of Paul"s preaching and of his contest with the Jews as a trifling matter, unworthy the serious consideration of educated men. And yet apart from mere personal opinion how much in the history of the world has turned upon this question! Agrippa"s family had had much to do with "this Jesus," and the mention of his Name is like a renewed solicitation to the heart of the king. Festus"s bearing is that of a man who rather prides himself upon superiority to all religious and ecclesiastical matters; and perhaps no wonder, considering the mixture of religions in the Roman world of the time.

III ITS IDLE CURIOSITY. This is represented by the bearing of Agrippa (ver. 22). He would like to listen to this remarkable prisoner, and his story and confession of faith. And, perhaps, there was something more than curiosity a gleam of higher interest, a presentiment of the truth. The next day Agrippa and his sister enter the audience-chamber of Festus with great pomp, which is soon to pale before the simple majesty of the Divine Word and its messenger.

IV ITS WANT OF INTELLIGENCE OF THE SPIRITUAL CHARACTER. "Behold the man!" (ver. 24; comp. Joh_19:5) Brought before Agrippa, as Pilate had sent Jesus to Herod. (Luk_23:7) It justly seems to the statesman unreasonable to send a prisoner without stating the charges against him (ver. 27). But statesmanship got the better of fairness in the case of Pilate. (Mat_23:3) Unless rulers take care to make themselves fully acquainted with the facts, the show of fairness goes for nothing. How can a man without sympathy for conscientious convictions in religion, judge justly of a man who professes them? Here, then, worldly judgment is called to pronounce on facts which resist the judgment of the world. The hall at Caesarea is the scene of pompous worldly display, soon to be converted into the place of bearing of holy doctrine, and a judgment-scat of the Divine majesty. J.

Vers. 13-27. Paul in the presence of King Agrippa.

I A GREAT OPPORTUNITY for the Christian CHARACTER to be shown forth, as unabashed in the presence of worldly splendors, as simpleminded and modest, as untempted by that fear of man which bringeth a snare.

II As OCCASION eagerly seized by the apostle FOR TEACHING both the heathen and the Jew, that the gospel was not a mere idle question, or fanatical dream, or delusion, but a great reality, for which its preacher was ready to die if need be.

III A STRIKING CONTRAST between the spiritually minded Jew, and the apostate and mere worldling, such as Agrippa.

IV A PROVIDENTIAL PREPARATION for the future. The examination would both remove prejudice against Paul and put the whole matter more favorably before the emperor, where mere Jewish bigotry and intolerance would have little weight. R.

The Pulpit Commentary (1880–1919), ed. H.D.M. Spence-Jones & Joseph S. Exell — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Agrippa - The son of Herod Agrippa, chap. xii, 1; and Bernice - His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity. This was the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, that he would have made her empress, had not the clamours of the Roman prevented it.

John Wesley, Explanatory Notes Upon the Whole Bible (1754–1765) — public domain. Text via the GEBible commentary corpus.

Agrippa

This (Act 5:13) was Herod Agrippa II., son of the Herod Agrippa I. of Act 12:1, and great-grandson of Herod the Great. (See Scofield "Mat 2:1").

Bernice, or Berenice, was the sister of Herod Agrippa II. Act 5:13.

The Scofield Reference Bible (1917 edition), notes by C. I. Scofield — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Agrippa and Bernice in Caesarea.

Festus lays the matter before Agrippa:

v. 13. and after certain days King Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus.

v. 14. And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul’s cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix,

v. 15. about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him.

v. 16. To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have license to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him.

v. 17. Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat and commanded the man to be brought forth.

v. 18. Against whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed,

v. 19. but had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.

v. 20. And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters.

v. 21. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Caesar.

After a few days had passed, sometime after the trial or preliminary hearing which was destined to have such far-reaching consequences, King Agrippa and his sister Bernice came to Caesarea to offer congratulations to Festus upon his entry on his office. Agrippa II was the son of Herod Agrippa I, chap. 12. Since he was only seventeen years old at the time of his father’s death, he was not given the kingdom, but was made ruler of Chalcis, a small city and district near the Antilebanon, after the death of his uncle, and also the government of the Temple was given him, with the right of appointing the high priest. Later the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias were added to his dominions, and he bore the title of king, though not king of Judea. Bernice, his oldest sister, had been betrothed to Marcus of Alexandria, had then married her uncle, Herod of Chalcis, a few years later, was left a widow, lived with her brother, was again married, to Polemon, king of Cilicia, whom: however, she soon left. The history of her life is that of a wanton woman with only one redeeming feature, when she tried to dissuade the procurator Florus from cutting down the Jews. The two royal visitors had been in the city for some time when Festus laid the case of Paul before the king, feeling sure that the latter’s more intimate knowledge of Jewish affairs would enable him to form a correct idea of the situation. So he explained matters as he understood them. A certain man had been left in custody by Felix, concerning whom the Jews had laid information before him when he was in Jerusalem, earnestly requesting a sentence of condemnation against him. The Jews thus appear to have tried other schemes as well as that of haying the hearing transferred to Jerusalem. Festus had told the Jews that it was not the custom of the Romans to condemn one man to oblige another, before the accused have his accusers face to face and have a chance to defend himself concerning the accusation which was made against him. And when they had then come together at Caesarea, he had made no delay, he had not put off the matter another day, but on the very next day had taken his seat on the tribunal and commanded the man to be arraigned. But when the accusers stood up in court, they brought no accusation of evil concerning him as Festus had suspected. The bitterness of feeling which the chief priests and members of the Sanhedrin had exhibited in Jerusalem had led the governor to expect the charge of a very serious crime. Instead of that, as the speaker contemptuously remarks, they had certain questions about their own religion against him and concerning a certain Jesus who had died, of whom Paul insisted that he was living. During the court proceedings much must have been said on both sides which Luke did not record, since he was interested only in offering a summary of the history. in several sentences the Roman’s skepticism is revealed, as when he refers to the Jewish belief as literally demon-worship, a foolish religion, See chap. 17:22, and when he refers to Paul’s earnest statement as a mere assertion. The upshot of the matter had been that Festus had been in doubt, had been at a loss as to the manner of proceeding, of making his inquiry regarding these questions and had therefore asked whether Paul desired to go to Jerusalem and there be tried concerning them. But since Paul had made an appeal that his case be reserved for the decision of Augustus, the Roman emperor, the governor had given command to keep him in custody until he could send him to Caesar, to the highest court in the Roman empire. The report of Festus is fairly correct, though colored by his understanding of the case. But he was evidently still perplexed and counted upon Agrippa, his acquaintance with whom had reached that stage, to help him out with good advice.

Paul E. Kretzmann, Popular Commentary of the Bible (1921–1924) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Observe here, 1. How God will not be wanting to his servants in their greatest straits and sufferings, but will providentially dispose of all matters in order to their deliverance, when it may most conduce to his own glory and their good.

Thus here, King Agrippa comes to congratulate Festus; Festus declares the cause of God’s oppressed servant to the king, and God makes use both of Festus and Agrippa to screen the apostle from the violence of his enemies: In the mount will the Lord be seen; the people’s extremities are the seasons of his succour.

Observe, 2. How the very light of nature in and among the heathens condemns it as an act of manifest and notorious injustice in a judge to pass sentence upon a person unheard, and unallowed to make his defence.

This baseness was below the Roman gallantry whilst Pagans; Festus demands the accursers and the accused to appear face to face; and yet such a diabolical spirit of malice had so blinded the Jews, that, contrary to the law of nature, and the law of all nations, they would have had St. Paul here condemned, without knowing the cause, and hearing his defence.

Observe, 3. What base and vile, what low and undervaluing thoughts, and apprehension, have carnal men of the high and holy things of God.

Festus here calls the religion and worship, which was of God’s own institution, most profanely and contemptuously by the name of superstition: They had certain questions against him of their own superstition. And how slightingly doth he also speak of our glorified Redeemer, styling him one Jesus; but no wonder that the dunghill cocks of the world know not the worth of the pearl of great price.

William Burkitt's Expository Notes on the New Testament (1700–1703) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

13. The custom of extending congratulations to men newly inducted into high office, which has prevailed in every age of the world, led to the next important incidents of Paul's confinement in Cæsarea. (13) " Now when some days had passed, King Agrippa and Bernice came to Cæsarea to salute Festus. " This Agrippa was the son of the Herod who murdered the Apostle James. He was, at this time, king of Chalcis, but afterward of Galilee. Bernice was his sister. She had been married to her uncle, Herod, former king of Chalcis, but he had died, and she was still a widow. She afterward married Polemo, king of Cilicia. Like nearly all the Herod family, both male and female, she was licentious and ambitious. But she and Agrippa, being Jews by birth, were better able to understand Paul's case than Festus.

J. W. McGarvey (with Philip Y. Pendleton), Commentaries on the New Testament (The Fourfold Gospel, 1914; Acts; and the epistles) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

13–27. Agrippa and Bernice came. King Agrippa II., the son of Herod Agrippa, whose death is told in 12:23. Drusilla and Bernice were his sisters. He was the last of the Herodian kings, and was at this time king of Calchis. Bernice, his beautiful sister, was one of the fairest and most dissolute women of her time. She was married several times, had been twice married before Paul saw her, and is discreditably associated with both Vespasian and Titus. The latter took her to Rome, and would have married her had it not been for the storm of public disapproval. To salute Festus. To pay their respects to the new Roman official.

Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king. He did this for advice. He was really perplexed. He had just come into the province of Judea, and was not acquainted with Jewish customs. He could see nothing wrong in Paul, but the Jewish rulers accused him so vehemently that he was not sure that he understood the case. King Agrippa was a Jew by birth, would understand the real difference between Paul and the Sanhedrim, and could aid Festus to formulate the charges that must be sent to Rome when Paul was sent to appear before Cæsar's tribunal.

Their own superstition. The Jewish religion.

Unto the hearing of Augustus. One of the titles of the Roman emperor. He was styled Cæsar, Augustus, and Imperator, from whence the word emperor.

On the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp. The account reads like that of an eye-witness, as it doubtless is. The gathering of a king, a princess, a great Roman representative of Cæsar, with their splendid retinues, heralds, lictors, and men at arms, as well as the great officers of the Roman army and chief men of Cæsarea, was a sight well calculated to leave a profound impression. Then Paul was brought forth before this splendid array of royalty and power.

Festus said. He introduces the cause by a short explanation: (1) Ye see this man; (2) the Jews declare that he ought not to live; (3) I have found in him nothing worthy of death; (4) he had appealed to Augustus; (5) I have nothing certain to write in the way of charges; (6) perhaps thou, O King Agrippa, canst help me out of this difficulty.

My lord. The emperor. This great occasion gave Paul a great opportunity. Instead of using it to defend himself, he preached the gospel to that great audience. His address, as given in the next chapter, is a masterpiece.

B. W. Johnson's The People's New Testament with Notes (1889–1891) — public domain. Electronic text from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL) ThML edition.

Connecting Statement:

Festus explains Paul's case to King Agrippa.

General Information:

King Agrippa and Bernice are new people in the story. Though he ruled over only a few territories, King Agrippa is the current reigning king in Palestine. Bernice is Agrippa's sister.(See: Introduction of New and Old Participants and How to Translate Names)

Now

This word marks the beginning of a new event in the story.

to pay an official visit to Festus

"to visit Festus concerning official matters"

A certain man was left behind here by Felix as a prisoner

This can be stated in active form. AT: "When Felix left office, he left a man in prison here" (See: Active or Passive)

Felix

Felix was the Roman governor of the area who resided in Caesarea. See how you translated this name in Acts 23:24.

brought charges against this man

To charge someone in court is spoken of as if it were an object that a person brings to court. AT: "spoke to me against this man" (See: Metaphor)

they asked for a sentence of condemnation against him

The abstract nouns "sentence" and "condemnation" can be expressed as verbs. The phrase "a sentence of condemnation" implies that they were requesting that Paul be executed. AT: "they asked me to sentence him to death" or "they asked me to condemn him to death" (See: Abstract Nouns and Assumed Knowledge and Implicit Information)

to hand over anyone

Here "hand over" represents sending someone to people who will punish or kill him. AT: "let someone punish anyone" or "to condemn anyone to death" (See: Metaphor)

before the accused had faced his accusers

Here "faced his accusers" is an idiom that means to meet with the people who accuse him. AT: "before the person whom others have accused of a crime had met directly with those who accused him" (See: Idiom)

translationWords

king

Caesarea

Paul

prison

Jerusalem

chief priests

elder

Jew

condemn

Rome

face

accuse

unfoldingWord translationNotes — © Distant Shores Media and the Door43 World Missions Community, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Source: git.door43.org/Door43/en_tn.

13–22. FESTUS CONSULTS KING AGRIPPA ABOUT HIS PRISONER. AGRIPPA WISHES TO HEAR PAUL’S DEFENCE

13. ἡμερῶν δὲ διαγενομένων. For διαγίνεσθαι, of the lapse of time, cf. Mar 16:1; Act 27:9.

Ἀγρίππας ὁ βασιλεύς, king Agrippa. This was Herod Agrippa II., son of Herod Agrippa I., and consequently a great-grandson of Herod the Great. He was therefore brother of Bernice and Drusilla. On account of his youth he was not appointed to succeed his father when he died. But after a time the Roman emperor gave him the kingdom of Chalcis, from which he was subsequently transferred to govern the tetrarchies formerly held by Philip and Lysanias, and was named king thereof. His kingdom was afterwards increased by the grant of other cities which Nero gave him. At the fall of Jerusalem he retired to Rome, with his sister Bernice, and there died A.D. 100. He had sided with the Romans in the war against the Holy City. Festus was likely to avail himself of an opportunity of consulting Agrippa, for he would expect to be soundly advised by him on any question of Jewish law.

καὶ Βερνίκη, and Bernice, She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. She had first been married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis. Her connexion with her brother Agrippa II. was spoken of both by Roman and Jewish writers as immoral. She was subsequently married to Polemon, king of Cilicia, but soon left him and lived with Agrippa II. in Rome.

κατήντησαν εἰς Καισάρειαν ἀσπασάμενοι τὸν φῆστον, arrived at Cæsarea, and saluted (lit. having saluted) Festus, The Greek seems to imply that they had met and paid their salutation to Festus before arriving at Cæsarea. If this had occurred, yet still the vassal-king Agrippa would probably feel bound to pay a formal visit of welcome to the representative of Rome in Cæsarea, the official residence.

Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges (Cambridge University Press, 1896; 21 vols, various authors incl. Carr, Maclear, Plummer, Farrar, Lumby, Moule, M. R. James, Simcox) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

13.] Herod Agrippa II., son of the Herod of ch. 12 (see note on ver. 1 there), was at Rome, and seventeen only, when his father died (Jos. Antt. xix. 9. 1). Claudius (ib. 9. 2) was about to send him to succeed to the kingdom, but was dissuaded by his freedmen and favourites, and sent Cuspius Fadus as procurator instead. Soon after, Claudius gave him the principality of Chalcis, which had been held by his uncle Herod (Antt. xx. 5. 2),—the presidency of the temple at Jerusalem and its treasures (Antt. xx. 1. 3),—and the appointment of the High Priest. Some years after the same emperor added to his jurisdiction the former tetrarchy of Philip, and Batanæa, Trachonitis, and Abilene (Antt. xx. 7. 1), with the title of King (B. J. ii. 12. 8). Nero afterwards annexed Tiberias, Tarichea, Julias, and fourteen neighbouring villages to his kingdom (Antt. xx. 8. 4). He built a large palace at Jerusalem (ib. 8. 11); but offended the Jews by constructing it so as to overlook the temple (ib.), and by his capricious changes in the high priesthood,—and was not much esteemed by them (B. J. ii. 17. 1). When the last war broke out, he attached himself throughout to the Romans. He died in the third year of Trajan, and fifty-first of his reign, aged about seventy (Winer, Realw.).

Βερνίκη] The Macedonian form (Βερενίκη or Βερονίκη) for Φερενίκη. She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I., and first married to her uncle Herod, prince of Chalcis (Antt. xix. 5. 1). After his death she lived with Agrippa her brother, but not without suspicion (φήμης ἐπισχυούσης, ὅτι τῷ ἀδελφῷ συνῄει, Antt. xx. 7. 3; see also Juv. Sat. vi. 156 ff.); in consequence of which (οὕτως γάρ ἐλέγξειν ᾤετο ψευδεῖς τὰς διαβολάς, Antt. ib.) she married Polemo, king of Cilicia. The marriage was, however, soon dissolved (ib.), and she returned to her brother. She was afterwards the mistress of Vespasian (Tac. Hist. ii. 81), and of Titus (Suet. 7; Winer, Realw.).

ἀσπασάμενοι] on his accession to the procuratorship, to gain his favour.

Henry Alford, The Greek Testament (1849–1861) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Agrippa the king. Herod Agrippa ii, son of the Herod whose death is recorded in Act 12:20 - 23.

Bernice. Sister of Drusilla, the wife of Felix. She is said to have lived in incestuous relations with her brother. Juvenal, in his sixth satire, alludes to this : "A most notable diamond, made more precious by having been worn on the finger of Bernice. This a barbarian king once gave to his incestuous love. This Agrippa gave to his sister."

Marvin R. Vincent, Word Studies in the New Testament (1887–1900) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.