Acts 25:1

Act_25:1-12. Arrival of Festus. Paul’s cause heard before him. Paul appeals to the Emperor

1. Now when Festus was come into the province] This may either mean “when he had reached Cæsarea,” to which, as the seaport, he would naturally come first; or, with margin of the Rev. Ver., “when he had entered upon his province.” The former seems to be the preferable sense because of what follows.

after three days he ascended (R. V. went up)] He took a very short time to make himself acquainted with what would be his principal residence, and then went up to the capital.

The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges (gen. ed. J. J. S. Perowne; Cambridge University Press, 1878–1918) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act_25:1-12

Now when Festus was come into the province.

The Christian in reference to changes of government

Kings may die and governors be changed, but Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, today, and forever. The Christian knows this, and--

I. Looks back on departed governors.

1. Without harsh judgment, for he knows that they stand, or will stand, before the highest Judge.

2. Without immoderate praise, for he sees that all the glory of the world is vanity.

II. Looks toward the new government.

1. Without extravagant hope, for he knows that there is nothing new under the sun.

2. Without anxious fear, for he knows that Christ reigns. (K. Gerok.)

Paul before Festus

I. The antecedent circumstances. Notice--

1. The arrival of Festus (Act_25:1). After arriving (about A.D. 60) in Caesarea, the seat of the civil government, and continuing there three days, he goes up to Jerusalem, the metropolis of the Jewish people, not only from curiosity, but to study the spirit, institutions, and manners of a people with whose interests he would have, henceforth, much to do.

2. The appeal of the Jews concerning Paul. From Act_25:2; Act_3:1-26 two things are manifest:

(1) The national importance which the Sanhedrin attached to Paul. More than two years had passed away since they raised the mob against him. One might have thought that the changes which two years made in thought and feeling had almost effaced his very name from their memory. Had it been merely personal enmity it would undoubtedly have been so. But it was the religious influence of this man, working mightily before their eyes, and sapping the very foundation of their religious system, prestige, and power.

(2) The servility and hypocrisy of religious bigotry. The arguments they employed are not given. No doubt they bowed before Festus as cringing sycophants, urging every consideration that bigotry could suggest. They pleaded for justice, but meant murder.

3. The reply of Festus (Act_25:4-5). Perhaps he had one of those presentiments which is often the offspring and the organ of God in the soul. But though he does not give the reason of his refusal, he promises an early trial, and requests them to go down with him and bring their accusation.

II. The attendant circumstances (Act_25:6). Festus shows himself to be a man of his word, and a man prompt in action. Note--

1. The charges of Pauls enemies, and his denial of them (Act_25:7).

(1) Judging from Pauls answer they were the old ones. But whatever they were they could not prove them.

(2) His manner of treating them was perhaps substantially the same as in Act_24:10; Act_24:21; hence the historian does not record his defence.

2. The request of Festus to Paul, and his refusal.

(1) The request of Festus (Act_24:9). So far we have discovered nothing censurable in his conduct, but here evil shows itself. Popularity was dearer to him than justice. He had seen enough to feel that Paul was innocent and ought to be acquitted, but, for the sake of getting a good name with the Jews, he proposes to Paul another trial at Jerusalem. Accursed love of popularity! Pilate condemned Christ to do the Jews a pleasure. Felix kept Paul bound two years for the same reason. All that can be said in palliation is that Festus merely submitted it to the choice of Paul.

(2) The refusal of Paul (Act_24:10-11). Notice--

(a) His demand for political justice. He had committed no crime cognisable by the Jews, and could hope for no justice from them. As a Roman citizen, he demanded Roman justice.

(b) His consciousness of moral rectitude. Festus, no doubt, knew that Felix had found no fault with him; as a shrewd man he must have seen that his accusers were capable of fabricating the most groundless charges, and from the spirit of the apostle, that he was an innocent man.

(c) His sublime heroism.

(i) He dared death. To a truly great man truth and honour are far more precious than life. Mens dread of death is always in proportion to their disregard of moral principles.

(ii) He dared his judge too. No man may deliver me unto them. The right to appeal to Caesar belonged to him as a Roman citizen, and it was strictly forbidden to put any obstruction in the way of a Roman citizen when he had appealed. Paul knew this, and he dared his judge by appealing to Caesar.

III. The resultant circumstances (verse12). In this Unto Caesar shalt thou go, we may see--

1. The triumph of justice over policy. Festus, in desiring him to go to Jerusalem, thought it a stroke of policy, but Pauls appeal to Caesar forced him to abandon the purpose.

2. The triumph of generosity over selfishness. A generosity inspired by the gospel of Christ had awakened in Paul a strong desire to go to Rome (Act_19:21; Rom_1:11; Rom_15:23-24). This was strengthened by years. But how had selfishness, working in the Jews, wrought to thwart it! Here, however, in the fiat, Unto Caesar shalt thou go, the door of Rome is thrown open to him: his way is made safe and sure and cheap.

3. The triumph of the Divine over the human. God had purposed that Paul should go to Rome (Act_23:11). The purpose of the Jews was to kill him at Jerusalem. The Lord reigns, and so controls the opposing and conflicting passions of the world as ultimately to realise His own decree. As we believe, amid the darkness and desolations of the severest winter, that summer is on its march, and will cover the world with life and beauty, so let us believe, amongst all the workings of human depravity, that Gods great purpose to redeem the world to holiness and bliss is marching on in stately certainty. (D. Thomas, D. D.)

Paul before Festus

I. Festus represents a certain class of mind.

1. In reference to his general character. When Felix had been removed Festus was appointed to succeed him, because he was more just and incorruptible, and more likely to be popular among the Jews. His general character was evinced in these transactions.

(1) He was firm in his purpose not to consent to the removal of Paul to Jerusalem. It was a simple request on the part of the Jews, and it seemed to involve nothing wrong. But his answer was every way becoming one who represented the majesty of the Roman law (Act_24:4).

(2) He was prompt in bringing Paul to trial. Felix had kept him in prison for two years with the hope of a bribe; Festus took his case in hand the very day after his return.

(3) He readily conceded the right of Paul to carry the case before the Roman emperor.

(4) He gave utterance to a noble sentiment in stating a great principle of the Roman law (Act_24:16). The trials in the Inquisition and in the Star chamber derived their enormity mainly from a violation of this principle; and the chief progress which society has made in the administration of justice has consisted in little more than in securing, by proper sanctions and provisions, the law here enunciated by Festus.

2. In reference to the sentiments which he entertained on the subject of religion (Act_24:18-19). Festus regarded the questions in the ease--

(1) As pertaining to the Jews, and of no matter to him. The word superstition was commonly employed by a Greek to describe religion. Festus therefore meant no disrespect of the faith of the people he had just come to govern. It was merely a matter to be settled by themselves, one with which he had no concern either as a man or as a magistrate, any more than he was concerned with the religion of the Greeks or the Egyptians. In this respect Festus is a representative of a very large and respectable class. They are men who would not revile religion, nor disturb others in the quiet enjoyment of it. Their own purpose is to lead a moral life; to settle questions which do pertain to themselves as magistrates, business men, politicians, and philanthropists. Our difficulty with such is in persuading them to regard religion as having any personal claim on them.

(2) As one of little importance, of one Jesus, implying that He was an obscure person, and perhaps also that it was of little consequence whether he was alive or dead. Festus could see no great results to be attached to the inquiry. Does not this represent the views of a very large class in regard to this and, indeed, to all religious questions? If a man pays his debts, is kind to the poor, and just to all, it is, in their opinion, of little consequence what he believes; nor can his conviction respecting the resurrection of Christ, or any doctrine, materially affect his character or his destiny. Our work with such men is to convince them that the most important questions are those which pertain to religion.

(3) Festus took no pains to inquire into or to settle these points. He was intent on other objects. They did come before the mind of Felix, for he trembled. They did come before the mind of Agrippa, for he was almost persuaded. But they took no such hold on the mind of Festus. In this respect, also, he was the representative of a large class. They are engaged in other inquiries; they investigate points of jurisprudence, history, science, art; but they have no interest in ascertaining whether Christ rose from the dead. Our difficulty with these men is to get the question before their minds at all. We place the Bible in their hands--they will not read it. We set before them works on the evidences of religion, but for them they have no attractions.

II. Is this the proper manner in which to treat the subject of religion? Let such as Festus note--

1. That every man has in fact an interest in the great questions which belong to religion. Man is made to be a religious being; and he never approaches the perfection of his nature, or meets the design of his existence, until the religious principle is developed. Man is distinguished by this from every other inhabitant of our world. To deprive him of this capability would as essentially alter his nature as to deprive him of reason. In the question whether there is a God, and what He is, one man is as much concerned as any other man can be. Whether man is a fallen being--whether an atonement has been made for sin--whether the Bible was given by inspiration of God, etc.

are things pertaining to all men in common.

2. Every man is bound to perform the duties which religion requires, and none more than Festus himself. There is a very common, and not wholly an unnatural, mistake on this point. Many seem to feel that the obligations of religion are the result of a voluntary covenant; that there is nothing lying back of a profession of religion to oblige anyone to attend to its duties, any more than there is to bind a man to enlist as a soldier, or to enter into a contract for building a bridge. When a profession of religion has been made they admit it to be binding. Now, Christians do not object to being held to the performance of the duties of religion, growing out of their involuntary covenant with God. But the profession of religion does not create the obligation, it only recognises it.

3. Every man needs the provisions which the gospel has made for salvation. If Festus had inquired into the superstition, a few questions would have opened such visions of glory, honour, and immortality as had never dawned on the mind of a Roman. The natural mistake which men make on this point is, that while one class may need the provisions made in the gospel, there are others for which these are unnecessary. It is like the feeling which we have about medicines: they are useful and desirable for the sick, but not needful for those who are in health. So if men feel that they are sinners, it is proper for them to make application to the system which proclaims and promises peace. But where this necessity is not felt, men do not think that the gospel pertains to them. Yet the gospel assumes that every one of the race is in circumstances which make the plan of redemption necessary for him; that there is no such virtue in man as to meet the demands of the law; and that no one enters heaven who is not interested in the Saviours death.

4. It is as certain of one man as it is of another, that unless he is interested in religion he will be lost. If one can be saved without religion, another can in the same way; and consequently religion is unnecessary for any.

Conclusion:

1. Men are not merely lookers-on in the world. Each man that passed by the Cross had the deepest personal interest, if he had known it, in the great transaction. So Festus, if he had known it, had the deepest personal interest in the question whether the unknown man who was affirmed to be dead was really alive. And so with everyone that hears the gospel.

2. The interest which a man has in these things is not one from which he can escape. It attends him everywhere, and at all times.

3. No man should desire to drive the subject from his mind. Why should he? Why should he not feel that he has a God and a Saviour? Why should he not have a hope of future happiness? (A. Barnes, D. D.)

Paul before Festus

An instructive example how both the children of the world and the children of light remain the same.

I. The children of the world.

1. Pauls accusers. They have learnt nothing, and forgotten nothing: they bring forward the old lies, and employ the same artifices as they had devised before in the case of Paul and Christ.

2. Pauls judges. Instead of a licentious Felix, a proud Festus, who at first showed a noble bearing (Act_24:4-5), but soon, like his predecessor, surrendered righteousness to please men (Act_24:9)--in short, under another name, the same man of the world.

II. The children of God. Paul is the same in--

1. Undaunted courage. The two years imprisonment had neither broken his courage nor paralysed his presence of mind: his defence is as clear and firm as ever.

2. In his meekness and patience. No desire of revenge against his wicked enemies, no conspiracy against his unrighteous judges, no impatience at so long a trial; but calm submission to Roman law, and confident trust in the Divine protection. (K. Gerok.)

Sneakism

Unfortunately there is a good deal of sneakism to be found in society; but as it is not polite to give any example painted from life, we may have a very coherent notion of the spirit of the offence if we notice that embodiment of it which is to be seen in the lion worm. The lion worm is a curious and voracious little creature, having a tapering form, the head being more pointed than the tail. Like the ant lion, that formidable insect, it makes a species of cavity in the loose earth, and there waits in ambuscade for its prey. A portion of its body lies concealed under the sand, the rest stretches across the bottom of the den, and appears so stiff and motionless that at first sight it might be taken for a bit of straw, half an inch in length. If, however, any insect in search of food should happen to walk into the cave of the lion worm, the little morsel of stubble in an instant becomes all animation, falls like a serpent on its prey, and winding its body in coils around its victim, compresses it to death, and sucks out the juices by means of a couple of hooks fixed to its head. No one can observe these actions without coming to the conclusion that sneakism in men or worms is just the same thing, with merely a change of method and appliances suitable to the place and occasion. (Scientific Illustrations.)

Christian epochs

We are now in the midst of great historical scenes. The painter cannot let them alone. There are some things which men willingly let die, but there are other things which will not die.

I. What a long life hatred has! Two years had elapsed, but the fury of the Jews had not cooled. We leave some things to time, calling it all-healing Time. Time cannot put hell out! Well might the apostle warn the Churches against bitterness and wrath and anger and clamour; he had felt the hatred which he deprecated. Religious hatred is the worst. The Church has herself to blame for the little progress Christianity has made in the world. Religious hatred thought less of murder than of ceremonial pollution. The Jews desired that Paul should come to Jerusalem; and they would take care to have assassins on the road. Yet these men would not eat until they had washed their hands! The more you attend to mere ceremony the more you fritter away the substance of your character.

II. How wondrously opportunities are created by human mistakes! The Christian elders thought that Paul had better make a compromise in order to do away with suspicion. If they had been out doing Pauls kind of work, they would have left compromise millions of miles behind them; but they had been in the metropolis studying--always a very perilous and risky business. So all this trouble came upon Paul through their weak-minded and mistaken advice. But the Lord turned the human mistake into a Divine opportunity. It gave Paul his highest audiences. He was talking to rabbles before--just an open-air preacher, a man taking opportunities as they occurred--but now he was a preacher to procurators and kings. We know not what we do. Could we stand back in the eternity of God and watch men, we should not be troubled by their doings. When they are making weapons against us, we should say, No weapon that is formed against me shall prosper. Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing? There is only one man can do you any injury of a permanent kind, and that man is yourself. If you are right, you cannot be injured; your enemies will only be creating opportunities for you. The Lord maketh the wrath of man to praise Him; the remainder of that wrath He doth restrain.

III. Long-continued hardship had not soured the mind of Paul. That is the test of his quality. When he appears before Festus we mark in him the same quietness, the same dignity, the same defence--that is Christianity. If it were a fight in words the battle might go wrong for our cause sometimes, because there are men against us, skilled in sentences and arguments; but it is an affair of the sweetness of the soul. Long-suffering is eloquence. This is a Christian miracle. There are three remarkable things about Paul in this connection. Here presents--

1. Spiritual influence. He cannot be let alone. Chained at Caesarea, he is still an active presence in Jerusalem. You cannot get rid of some men. If you kill them, they will haunt you as Herod was haunted by the new man whom he suspected to be the beheaded John. Paul represented the kind of influence which follows society, colouring its questions, lifting up its wonder, troubling its conscience.

2. Spiritual confidence. He would rather be fighting, but the Lord had appointed him to waiting. The battle is not mine, but Gods. It is better that I should be shut up in Caesarea, that I may see how God can do without me. Presently he will see the meaning of it all, and write to his friends, The things which have happened unto me have fallen out rather unto the furtherance of the gospel.

3. The highest aspect of spiritual culture. He is being trained, mellowed. All the land is better for the rain which softens it--aye, for the frost which reduces it to powder. From the human side, Paul was being punished; from the Divine side, he was being rested and trained. There are two sides in all human events. If we take the lower aspect of our life we shall groan, fret, and chafe; but if we take the upper view--that is to say, look down upon it from Gods point--we shall see all things work together for good. (J. Parker, D. D.)

The Biblical Illustrator, edited by Joseph S. Exell (c. 1880s–1900s) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:1-3. When Festus was come into the province — And had taken possession of the government; after three days he ascended from Cesarea — The usual residence of the Roman governors; to Jerusalem — The capital city; probably, both that he might gratify his curiosity in the sight of so celebrated a place, and also that he might there, as at the fountain-head, inform himself of the present state of their public affairs. Then the high- priest, &c., informed him against Paul — In so long a time their rage was nothing cooled: so much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles. And besought him — That he would not (as, it is probable, they pretended Lysias and Felix had done) obstruct the course of public justice against one whom they knew to be so notorious an offender; and desired favour against him — Requested of him, as a peculiar favour; that he would send for him to Jerusalem — To be judged there; laying wait, &c. — Secretly purposing to lay an ambush of desperate wretches for him, who they knew would readily undertake to intercept and kill him by the way. “The high- priests, about this time, were, according to the account Josephus gives of them, such monsters of rapine, tyranny, and cruelty, that it is not to be wondered such a design should have been favoured by him who now bore the office. Josephus also mentions a great number of assassins at this time, called sicarii, or poniarders, from the weapons they carried, by whom many innocent persons were murdered.”

Joseph Benson's Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1811–1818) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

3. Paul’s Treatment by Festus, and Appeal to Cesar, Act_25:1-12.

1. Festus—Of the previous life of Festus history says nothing. He arrived at Cesarea probably in the autumn of A.D. 60. He was not disgraced by the flagitious qualities that belonged to Felix, yet he courted popularity at the expense of right.

After three days—A promptness that allowed him but one intermediate day for rest.

Cesarea to Jerusalem—From the Roman capital to the Jewish capital of Palestine.

Daniel D. Whedon (gen. ed.), Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (1874–1909) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

CRITICAL REMARKS

Act_25:1. Having come into the province, or having entered upon his province—i.e., his procuratorship (see on Act_23:18)—Festus, after three days, ascended, or went up (contrast the reverse, “went down,” in Act_24:1), from Cæsarea to Jerusalem, the metropolis of the dominion over which he had been appointed ruler.

Act_25:2. The renewal of the complaints against Paul, which were made by the high priest, or, according to the best MSS., the chief priests and the chief, or the principal (R.V.)—lit., “the first” of the Jews, showed that the Sanhedrim had been greatly dissatisfied with the result of Paul’s trial before Felix. Their present movement was probably dictated by the hope of succeeding better with a new procurator, who, knowing their power as it had been displayed in procuring the recall of his predecessor, might naturally be disposed to exhibit towards them a greater degree of complaisance. The high priest at this time was Ismael, the son of Phabi, who succeeded Ananias (Jos., Ant., XX. viii. 8).

Act_25:3. Their proposal that Festus should send for Paul to Jerusalem was, like the proposal of the forty (Act_23:15), designed to afford them an opportunity of cutting him off by secret assassination on the road from Cæsarea.

Act_25:5. Festus, however, whether he had heard from Felix or Lysias, or others of the former plot, refused their request, and invited those amongst them who were able—i.e., not physically able (Bengel), or to whom it was convenient (Grotius, Calvin) or talented, but powerful, δυνατοί, clothed with official authority, i.e., their rulers (Meyer, Alford, Holtzmann, Zöckler) to go down with him to Cæsarea, whither he was shortly to proceed, and accuse him if there was any wickedness, better anything amiss, or out of place, in his behaviour. The best MSS. omit τούτῳ, this.

HOMILETICAL ANALYSIS.—Act_25:1-5

The Succession of a New Governor; or, the Revival and Defeat of an Old Plot

I. The old plot revived.—

1. What the plot was. To effect Paul’s removal by assassination. Nothing could more convincingly have attested the success of the apostle in establishing Christianity among his countrymen than this unappeasable thirst of the leaders of the Jewish people for his removal. So long as he was alive and at liberty to continue an active propaganda, it seemed to them there could be no security against the overthrow of their national faith. They had the sagacity to perceive that a death-struggle had commenced between the Old Faith and the New, in which one or other must go down. Their implacable hostility was also a gruesome revelation of the malignity of their hearts as well as of the secret conviction they entertained that victory was inclining to the side of “the Way.”

2. Why the plot was revived. Because of the failure of the first attempt to carry it out, through the midnight withdrawal of Paul to Cæsarea by Lysias’s soldiers (Act_23:31-35), and because of the collapse of the subsequent proceedings against Paul before Felix at Cæsarea (Act_24:22-23). The enemies of Paul and the instigators of the present conspiracy had hoped by fair means or foul to effect their murderous design, but thus far Providence had thwarted its execution. For two years they had brooded over their disappointment, but had not departed from their purpose. “Travailing with iniquity and conceiving mischief” (Psa_7:14) all that time, they lay in readiness at the proper moment to bring it forth anew.

3. When the plot was resuscitated. On the occasion of Festus’s visit to Jerusalem. Festus, the new procurator, had just entered upon his duties, and come into his province in succession to Felix, who had lately been recalled. Festus, being a new governor, would naturally feel disposed, so Paul’s enemies reasoned, to ingratiate himself with his Judæan subjects, and all the more that he probably knew both how troublesome these were to rule, and how powerful they had shown themselves in being able to bring about the deposition of his predecessor. Besides, from Festus’s inexperience they most likely anticipated better results, than they had obtained from Felix’s longer and wider knowledge of themselves and their craft. Accordingly, no sooner had Festus paid his inaugural visit to the capital, than the Sanhedrists embraced the opportunity of reviving the old charges against their arch-enemy, the apostate. Rabbi then in captivity at Cæsarea.

4. How the plot was designed to be carried out. Under the pretext of wishing to have the apostle brought to a fresh trial, it was arranged that a deputation from the Sanhedrim should wait upon the governor and ask him to send for Paul from Cæsarea, that the charges standing against him might be re-examined in the metropolis, and, in the event of this request being complied with, that they should have a band of hired assassins lying in wait to despatch him while on the way. By no means a clever trick, it was merely the old scheme of the forty Sicarii revived. It was another proof that villains have not always at command sagacity or genius equal to their ferocity. Neither much insight nor much foresight was required to defeat the plot. How it prospered the next paragraph will show.

II. The old plot defeated.—

1. By a simple statement. That Paul was a prisoner at Cæsarea, whither he himself, Festus, was about to depart; which meant that as Paul was under military custody there was no danger of him escaping, and that as he himself (Festus) was about to proceed northwards to Cæsarea, there was no need to be at either the trouble or expense of fetching Paul to Jerusalem. Whether Festus had got an inkling from Lysias, the commandant of the castle, of the previous conspiracy against Paul by these venerable fathers of the people, and stood upon his guard against another stratagem, can only be conjectured; but his answer was a death-blow to their device.

2. By a fair proposal. That a number of themselves, the rulers, clothed with official power should return with him to Cæsarea, and prefer their indictment against the apostle there—if indeed there was anything wrong about either the man or his conduct, which (one almost reads between the lines) he hardly believed there was. How they relished the new governor’s proposal can only be imagined. Clearly it was not the answer they expected to their innocent suggestion. Unless they were either fools or blind, they must have seen that their secret machinations were understood. Concealing their chagrin as best they could, they retired from the governor’s presence, and began their preparations for a second journey to Cæsarea and a third attack upon Paul.

Learn.—

1. How hard it is for evil thoughts and purposes to die within the heart.

2. How difficult it is to kill those whom God wants to keep alive.

3. How easy it is to see through and thwart the designs of the wicked when God is against them.

HINTS AND SUGGESTIONS

Act_25:1. Changes in Government.

I. Occur mostly at unexpected times.—Felix hardly dreamed, when desiring to gain favour with the Jews he left Paul bound, that within two years his term of office would be finished.

II. Always entail new responsibilities upon the new governors.—Festus, on assuming the reins of government, had to make himself acquainted with his new dominions and their peoples.

III. Commonly bring new experiences to the governed.—Hardly any rule could have been worse than that of Felix; and Festus’s was for the Jews a happy exchange. But sometimes the change is from good to bad or from bad to worse.

IV. Unconsciously advance the purposes of Heaven.—He who is higher than the highest, whose kingdom ruleth over all, and who holds the hearts of kings as well as common men in His hand, worketh out the counsel of His own will by all the governments that rise and fall. Festus’s accession to the procuratorship, and coming into Judæa, was the opening of a new chapter in the history of Paul.

Act_25:2-3. Wickedness in high places; or, the horrible iniquities of those who were, or should have been, good men—exemplified in the conduct of the chief priests and principal men of the Jews.

I. Malignity.—For two whole years they had nursed their wrath against Paul. Thus showed they themselves to be little else than human sleuth hounds.

II. Deception.—They pretended to Festus that they only wished to have the apostle brought to a fresh trial. Thus they attested themselves to be double-dyed hypocrites.

III. Assassination.—Their secret purpose was not to try the apostle but to kill him. They were black-hearted if not red-handed murderers.

Lesson.—The heart of man is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked.

Act_25:5-6. The Lord reigns! let the earth be glad and let His people rejoice. God appears here:

I. As the providential governor of the world.

II. As the adversary and counter-worker of the wicked.

III. As the friend and protector of His people.

The Preacher's Complete Homiletical Commentary (gen. ed. Joseph S. Exell; Funk & Wagnalls, c. 1892) — public domain (pre-1929). A full-Bible homiletical/sermon-outline anthology covering 65 of 66 books (2 John is absent from the source module). Text from a community e-Sword module.

D.—THE NEW PROCURATOR, PORCIUS FESTUS, RESUMES, AT THE INSTANCE OF THE JEWS, THE INVESTIGATION OF THE CASE OF PAUL; BUT WHEN THE LATTER APPEALS TO THE EMPEROR, THE PROCURATOR ADMITS THE APPEAL

Act_25:1-12

1Now when [οὖν] Festus was come into [had taken charge of] the province, afterthree days he ascended from Cesarea to Jerusalem. 2Then the high priest [the chief priests1] and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul [accused Paul before him],and besought him, 3And desired [Asking it as a] favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying [intending to lay] wait in the way to kill him [wait, in order to kill him by the way]. 4But [However, ὁ μὲν οὖν] Festus answered, that Paul should be kept [was guarded] at2 Cesarea, and [but, δὲ] that he himself would depart shortly thither. 5Let them, therefore, said he, which among you are able [those among you who exercise authority], go down with me, and accuse thisman, if there be any wickedness in him [if he be liable to any charge3]. 6And when he had tarried among them more than ten days [not more than eight or ten days4], he went down unto Cesarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commandedPaul to be brought. 7And when he was come, the Jews which [who] came down from Jerusalem stood round about [stood around], and laid5 many and grievous complaintsagainst Paul, which they could not [were not able to] prove. 8While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cesar [against the emperor], have I offended any thing at all [in anyrespect]. 9But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure [to confer an obligation on the Jews], answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there bejudged of these things [with respect to this accusation] before me? 10Then said Paul [But (δὲ) Paul said], I stand at Cesar’s judgment seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest [as thou also (χαὶ συ)knowest better (κάλλιον)]. 11For if I [If, therefore,6 I] be an offender, or [and, χαὶ] have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of [nothing in] these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me untothem [can surrender me as a favor to them]. I appeal unto Cesar. 12Then Festus, when he had conferred with the [his] council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? [Thou hast appealed unto Cesar;] unto Cesar shalt thou go.

EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL

Act_25:1-3. a. Now when Festus was come into [had taken charge of] the province.—Ἐπιβαίνω is regarded by some as here meaning to come into the province; but several passages adduced by Wetstein sustain the interpretation: to assume office, to undertake the administration. Ἐπαρχία is, strictly speaking, a term applied only to proconsular provinces, but may also be used of those governed by procurators; the official term in the latter case was ἐπιτροπή. Festus arrived either in the summer or the autumn of the year 60 after Christ (Wieseler: Ap. Chronol. p. 91 ff.; Anger: Temp. Rat. p. 105 ff.). He had scarcely reached Cesarea (where he was to reside), when he prepared to visit Jerusalem, which was, properly speaking, the capital of the nation.

b. The acting high priest at that time was Ismael, the son of Phabi, whom Felix had already appointed in place of Ananias (Jos. Antiq. xx. 8. 8 and 11). But on the present occasion all the chief priests [see note 1, appended to the text above.—Tr.] and the chief men of the people in general, presented themselves, and had an audience with the new procurator. The phrase οἱ πρῶτοι is not identical in meaning with “elders” (Grotius, de Wette), but, irrespectively of any official rank, denotes the most eminent, the most influential men, of the nation. They doubtless availed themselves of the occasion on which they paid their first visit to Festus, to direct his attention to the present matter, as one in which the whole nation was interested. The proposal which they made to the new governor, and to which they begged him to accede, as the first favor which he would grant, virtually expressed their wish that he would order the prisoner to be brought up to Jerusalem and placed before his judgment-seat, inasmuch as he himself was now present in the capital. The participle ἐνέδραν ποιοῦντες, belonging to παρεκάλουν, Act_25:2, implies that at the time when they made the request, they were already forming secret and hostile plans, and making preparations to destroy the apostle. [“Ποιοῦντες, not for ποιήσοντες; they were making, contriving, the ambush already.” (Alf.)—Tr.]

Act_25:4-6. That Paul should be kept at Cesarea.—The meaning of Festus is, that Paul was then at Cesarea and would remain there, and that his own stay in Jerusalem would be so brief, that it was not worth while to bring up the prisoner from Cesarea. [“Τηρεῖσθαι. The English version ‘should be kept’ is rather too peremptory. Festus doubtless expresses this decision, but in the most conciliating form.” (Conyb. and H. II. 298, n. 7).—Tr.]. Οἱ δυνατοὶ ἐν ὑμῖν, “those among you who exercise authority,” i.e., those who had authority to act, on account of their office and rank; for some of the Jews then present may have been prominent only by birth, wealth, etc., whereas, in any case of judicial proceedings, the Roman governor regarded those alone as competent to act, who were invested with office. It is an arbitrary mode of interpretation, to represent δυνατοὶ as referring to those who were able to perform the journey (Bengel), or who were able to produce any charge against Paul.

Act_25:7-8. The Jews … stood round about; they surrounded the apostle in a menacing manner, and attempted to intimidate him. [Αὐτὸν, after περιέστ., is adopted by Lach. and Tisch., in accordance with A. B. C. E. G., also Cod. Sin., many minuscules, Syr. Vulg. (eum), etc.; it is omitted by text. rec. and Alf., in accordance with H.—E. reads αὐτῷ. Meyer says: “They surrounded Paul, as Παραγ. δὲ αὐτοῦ, (the words immediately preceding περιέστ.), plainly show; it is an error to refer περιέστ. (as Grotius and Kuinoel do), to τὸ βῆμα.”—Tr.]. The first two charges—the violation of the law, and the profanation of the temple—were those which had been previously made: but it is evident from Act_25:8 [οὔτε εἰς Καίσαρα] that a third charge, referring to a political offence, was now added. Paul was slanderously described as a traitor, as if he were guilty of an offence against the Roman sovereignty or the emperor himself; the accusation is, possibly, analogous to that which is mentioned in Act_17:6-7.

Act_25:9. There be judged … before me.—The expression ἐπʼ ἐμοῦ is ambiguous, and was, perhaps, designedly chosen. It might mean: me judice (as it evidently does in Act_23:30; Act_26:2); but it might also mean: coram me; in this latter sense, the Jewish Sanhedrin would have constituted the court, and the procurator would have been present simply for the purpose of watching the trial. Indeed, the [apostle’s] journey to Jerusalem [Act_25:3], and the transfer of the trial to that city [as requested by the Jews], would have had no object, if a change of the tribunal had not been intended; and it was only in the latter case that an actual and special favor [χάριν, Act_25:3], would have been granted to the Jews.

Act_25:10-11. I stand at Cesar’s judgment seat—It is evident that, as Paul understood the question, he was asked whether he was willing to be tried before the Sanhedrin, as the court. He withholds his consent, for these reasons: 1. Because he already stood before the imperial tribunal, and, consequently, his sentence would there be properly pronounced. (He says: βήμ. Καίσαρος, inasmuch as the procurator was the representative of Cesar, and pronounced sentence in the name of the emperor).—2. Because he was guilty of no offence against the Jews, as Festus indeed well knew, and knew better than he was willing to admit—κάλλιον, i.e., than the expressions of the procurator seemed to imply. [“Κάλλιον—not for the superlative; the comparative is elliptical, requiring ‘than …’ to be supplied by the hearer … it means: ‘better than thou choosest to confess’ ” (Alf.). This is the interpretation of de Wette, Hackett, etc. See Winer, § 35. 4. “Hence, Festus, as Paul implies, should not have asked such a question (θέλεις, etc., Act_25:9), as it was in opposition to his own better knowledge and conviction.” (Meyer).—Tr.]. This declaration of the apostle was made with deliberation, and was sufficiently definite. He proceeds, in Act_25:11, to draw an inference from it. “Hence (οὖν, not γάρ [note 6, appended to the text.—Tr.])”—says he—I subject myself to the punishment which the law decrees, in case I have deserved it; but, if the accusation is unfounded, I claim the protection of the law (Meyer). When Paul uses the word χαρίσασθαι, he says, without reserve, that as the whole question turned on a point of law, no act would be legal, by which he would be surrendered to the Jews, as a favor to the latter.—He avails himself, finally, of the legal right of an appeal to the emperor himself, and, in doing so, employs the most concise terms. It is obvious that he was induced to adopt this course by the circumstance that Festus did not seem disposed to maintain with firmness the position which he had previously taken in reference to the wishes of the Jews; hence Paul had reason to apprehend that, ultimately, he might not be protected against the machinations of his deadly enemies. He was, besides, encouraged to take this step, by the promise which he had received (Act_23:11), that he should bear witness of Jesus in Rome, before he died. All these circumstances, in their combination, convinced him that it was now his duty to resort to the right of appeal; and in pursuing this course, he was influenced not so much by any considerations connected with himself, as by a sense of his duty as a witness. As a Roman citizen, he possessed the right of appealing to the emperor; it was strictly forbidden by the Lex Julia that any impediment should be placed in the way of a Roman citizen who had appealed. That appeal itself might be made in writing, but also orally, when, as in the present case, it was made during the course of judicial proceedings. (See the appropriate passages of the Roman Law in Wetstein).

Act_25:12. Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council [with his own συμβούλιον, not with the συνέδριον of the Jews.—Tr.]. This council consisted of certain officers, whom Suetonius calls consiliarii (Tiber, c. 33), and also assessores (Galba, c. 19). The consultation referred to the question whether Paul’s appeal ought to be admitted and confirmed, [inasmuch as there were a few cases, such as those of bandits, pirates, etc., in which the right of appeal was disallowed; but no doubt could be entertained on this head, in the present instance, and the appeal was at once sustained. (Conyb. and H. II. 301.).—The text. rec. introduces the Greek note of interrogation after Καίσαρα ἐπικέκλησαι (Hast thou, etc.?). “Griesbach had already rejected the usual note of interrogation in this place, as it only tends to destroy the solemnity and weight of the decision.” (Meyer). “The sentence is not interrogative, as in the authorized (English) version, but the words express a solemn decision of the Procurator and his Assessors.” Conyb. etc. II. 301. n. 3). This is the opinion now generally entertained (Alexander; Hackett, etc.) and recent editors substitute a comma for the note of interrogation.—Tr.].

DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL

1. When the apostle is placed before the tribunal of the new judge, he does not fail to address his conscience also, with respect to his duty and to justice. He speaks of the matter before them, with the utmost freedom, while he treats the person of the magistrate with due consideration. Here again the Roman laws and the ordinances of the government subserve the interests of the kingdom of God.

2. The path of the apostle conducts him, according to the counsel of God, from Jerusalem to Rome, and, indeed, at that period, the path of the Church of Christ led from Jerusalem to Rome. But the manner in which this counsel of God was fulfilled, is very remarkable, when viewed as an index of the ways of providence. The falsehood and deceit of the one party, and the weakness of the other, ultimately leave the imprisoned apostle no other choice than that of making an appeal to the emperor himself. It was not in a calculating spirit, nor from cowardice or caprice, that he adopted this resolution; he found himself, on the contrary, compelled to take such a step; his act in availing himself of this right, which the law conceded, assumed a moral character.—Now, at that moment, when the Roman procurator formally declared that the appeal was admitted, and that Paul should proceed on his journey to the emperor, a decisive turning point in the life of the apostle was reached. His watchword henceforth was: “On, to Rome!” The point which he had for years longed to reach (Act_19:21), and to which a divine revelation assured him that he was appointed to proceed (Act_23:11), was now already brought much nearer to his eye. But many sins were committed by men before the promise was actually fulfilled. The evil which men intended, God meant unto good, Gen_50:20.

HOMILETICAL AND PRACTICAL

1. Now when Festus was come into the province.—It is true that Paul now stood in the presence of another judge, when the successor of Felix, the former governor, assumed the office; but Festus had the same worldly mind, and was actuated by the same desire to gain the favor of men. Who, then, can expect that any advantages will result from such changes in the civil government, if, while the persons are changed, the same carnal sentiments continue to rule? Faith, which has overcome the world in all its forms, is a richer source of consolation. And yet God employed such changes as the means for impressing the great truth on the conscience of the people of the world, that all human authority is transitory and vain. It is, besides, a very serious thought, that in a country in which God himself had, at a former period, been acknowledged as the Supreme Ruler, one pagan governor is seen rapidly following the other. This circumstance should have taught the people how sadly their affairs had decayed. (Rieger).—Kings may die, and rulers be changed; ‘Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever’ [Heb_13:8]. (Ap. Past.).

Act_25:3. And desired favor against him.—The lives and bodies of Christians are so little valued, that they are given away, when others ask for such favors, Mat_14:6-11; Mar_15:15. (Starke).

Act_25:4-5. But Festus answered, etc.—God here protected Paul in a wonderful manner. The reply of Festus, and the statement in Act_25:9, show that it cost him an effort, when he refused, in a direct manner, to grant the request of the Jews; he might, by complying with it, have become popular among them, at the very commencement of his administration. But he was not controlled by passion, and submitted to be guided by God in the path of justice.—And Paul himself was not aware of the extent of the danger from which his life was again rescued, Act_25:3. How numerous are the cases, in which we have been protected and rescued, and of which we shall remain in ignorance, until we hereafter stand before the throne of God! (Williger).

Act_25:6. Commanded Paul to be brought.—In the whole history of these judicial proceedings, we do not in a single instance observe the apostle thrusting himself forward before the tribunal. He invariably waits until he is commanded to appear; and whenever he is allowed to speak, he confines himself within the limits of his defence, without in the least degree meditating revenge on his blood-thirsty accusers. He furnishes a noble example to every servant of God, teaching that it is our duty to forget personal insults, to leave vengeance to God, to deny ourselves when we suffer for Christ’s sake, and to overcome our enemies by patience and gentleness. (Ap. Past.).

Act_25:7. Many and grievous complaints,—which they could not prove.—Here, too, the lot of the servant is like that of the Master. Even as false witnesses appeared in the presence of the pagan, Pilate, against Christ, but could furnish no adequate support for their calumnies, so the attempt of the Jews against Paul in the presence of Festus, was a complete failure. In both cases the false accusations were the same: violation of the law, profanation of the temple, rebellion against the emperor. (Leonh. and Sp.).

Act_25:8. Neither against the law, etc.—The more simple and direct the defence is, the more closely it resembles the mind and conduct of Christ, Joh_18:20-21. (Starke).

Act_25:9. But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure.—Although men, who are not influenced by the fear of God, may, for a season, pursue the right path, they can at any time, when earthly motives are presented, deviate from it, and act deceitfully. Hence we should put confidence, not in men, but in God. Psa_118:8-9. (Starke).

Act_25:10-11. Then said Paul, I stand at Cesar’s judgment seat … I appeal unto Cesar.—Imperial and legal privileges, letters of safe-conduct, civil rights, etc., have been established, in order that the devout might be comforted, and the plans of evil men might be defeated. (Mark this, ye scorners!). Hence God has ordained the powers that be, and supplied laws and documents, legal rights and penalties, for the purpose of curbing a wanton spirit, and protecting defenceless and devout men. Rom_13:1-4. (Starke).—Besides the three national afflictions of war, pestilence and famine, there is a fourth—protracted law-suits, in which advocates are often the representatives of a boundless eternity. Paul’s suit did not yet come to an end. 1Co_6:7. (id.).—The apostle would not have appealed to the emperor, if he had not known that it was the divine will that he should bear witness also at Rome [Act_23:11]. By means of this appeal the Lord opened an avenue for his servant, so that the latter could make known his testimony of Jesus even in the capital of the world. (Ap. Past.).—He appealed to the emperor, not that he might obtain aid from a man like Nero, but that he might, by such an avenue, reach the city of Rome. His appeal is, at the same time, a striking rebuke of that false spirituality, which regards it as an unchristian course to appeal to the civil law and to the civil magistrates for aid in maintaining our rights. (Leonh. and Sp.).

Act_25:12.—Hast thou appealed unto Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go.—“Yes, Festus, thou art rights—Paul must go to Rome, not, however, because thou and thy council have so decided, but because it was so appointed by the counsel of God. Thus even the highest authorities of the Roman Empire, (which was, in its very nature, hostile to the kingdom of heaven), were compelled to subserve the purposes and ways of the kingdom of Jesus.”—“The wheels of divine providence carry all things forward, and men are obliged to coöperate, although they do not know it. They imagine, however, that they do the work.” (Gossner).

ON THE WHOLE SECTION, Act_25:1-12.—The noble firmness of the Christian in maintaining his rights: it differs, I. From the effrontery of the hypocrite; for it relies on a defence which is sustained by facts, Act_25:7-8 : II. From the defiant spirit of the criminal; for it does not attempt to evade a legal investigation, Act_25:9-10 : III. From the obstinacy of contentious men; for it submits to a just decision. (Bobe).

I appeal unto Cesar.

This language furnishes the evidence, I. Of a conscience void of offence toward God, and toward men [Act_24:16]; II. Of an humble submission to the powers that are ordained of God; III. Of an evangelical and sober avoidance of an unnecessary martyrdom; IV. Of an unwearied zeal for the extension of the kingdom of God. (Leonh. and Sp.).

Impartiality and justice, the noblest ornaments of a magistrate: I. Festus does not decline to listen to the complaints against Paul, Act_25:1-4; II. He receives the statements both of the accusers and of the accused, Act_25:6-8; III. He allows the accused to appeal to the emperor, Act_25:9-12. (Lisco).

How does a Christian maintain his rights? I. Without arrogance, Act_25:6-8; II. Without fear, Act_25:9-12. (id.).

The conduct of the Christian when a change of rulers occur: I. Towards those who depart; (a) he does not judge harshly, for he knows that they now stand before the Supreme Judge; (b) nor does he praise immoderately, for he now sees that the glory of the world is vanity. II. Towards those who assume office; (a) he neither entertains unreasonable hopes, for he knows that there is no new thing under the sun (Ecc_1:9); (b) nor does he yield to anxious fears, for he believes the words: “Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, and to-day, and forever.” [Heb_13:8].

Paul before Fetus—an instructive illustration of the truth that both the children of the world, and the children of the light, respectively, remain the same: I. The children of the world; (a) Paul’s accusers, Act_25:2-3; Act_25:7. They have “learned nothing, and forgotten nothing.” They repeat the old falsehoods, and resort to their former base arts

the same, indeed which they had employed against Christ, in the presence of Pilate; (b) Paul’s judges. The frivolous and unprincipled Felix is succeeded by the proud Festus. The latter at first pursues a noble course, Act_25:4-5, but soon afterwards abandons the cause of justice, like his predecessor, in order to gain the favor of men, Act_25:9; in short, the name is changed, but the same worldly-minded character re-appears. II. The children of God; (a) Paul is still the same, after an imprisonment of two years his undaunted courage, his lofty spirit, his composure and presence of mind are unchanged; the statements which he makes, are as lucid and as firm as those of any earlier day, Act_25:8-10; but (b) he is also still the same in meekness and patience. He exhibits no revengeful feeling towards his malignant foes, no disposition to resist his unrighteous judges, no impatience during the long period of his trial; on the contrary, he calmly submits to the authority of human law, and trusts with implicit confidence in the divine protection, Act_25:12.

Paul’s appeal to the emperor, leads us to ask: Whither shall the Christian turn, when his rights are withheld? He may appeal, I. From the sentence of unrighteous men, to the judgment of the righteous; II. From the passions of the moment, to the justice of a future period; III. From the opinions of the external world, to the testimony of his own conscience; IV. From the tribunal of men to the judgment-seat of God.

Hast thou appealed to Cesar? unto Cesar shalt thou go. Whence did this decision, on which the life or death of Paul depended, proceed? I. From an external source; it was pronounced by Festus, as the magistrate invested with authority; II. From an internal source; Paul willed it, as the apostle of the Gentiles; III. From a heavenly source; it was sanctioned by the Lord, as the King of kings. (Application to important epochs in the life of the Christian.).

[Act_25:8. The judgment which we form of our own moral conduct: I. The necessity of forming an accurate judgment of, etc.; (a) else we cannot know whether we are growing in grace; (b) we unconsciously yield to many temptations; (c) we can entertain no well-founded hope of heaven. II. The difficulties which we here encounter; (a) the natural ignorance and perverseness of the human heart; (b) the suggestions of vanity; (c) our spiritual sloth. III. The means which may secure success; (a) continued meditation on the day of judgment; (b) diligent study of the Scriptures; (c) watchfulness, self-examination, and prayer.—Tr.].

Footnotes:

[1]Act_25:2. ὁ ἀρχιερεύς [of text. rec.] is unquestionably less strongly attested by external evidence than the plural οἱ ἁρχιερεῖς. [The singular is found in H., but the plural in A. B. C. E. G. Cod. Sin., Syr. Vulg. (principes sacerdotum). Alf. who retains the singular, says: “It has been imagined that ὁ ἀρχ. has been a correction to suit the former part of the narrative. But it is much more probable that οἱ ἀρχ. has been substituted for it, to suit the assertion of Festus, Act_25:15.” This was the opinion expressed by de Wette in big last edition. Meyer says (3d edition, 1861): “The singular is a correction from Act_24:1.” Lach., Tisch., and Born., adopt the plural.—Tr.]

[2]Act_25:4. The reading εἰς Καισάρειαν is sustained by the four oldest manuscripts [A. B. C. E. and also Cod. Sin.]; it should be preferred to ἐν Καισαρειᾳ. [The latter, adopted by the text. rec., and retained by Scholz, is found in G. H.—Lach., Tisch., Born., and Alf. read εἰς Κ.—Tr.]

[3]Act_25:5. ἄτοπον, instead of τούτῳ is indeed attested by four important manuscripts [A. B. C. E. also Cod. Sin., a number of minuscules, and Vulg. (crimen)]; it should, nevertheless, be cancelled with Tischendorf [in the edition of 1849], as spurious; but it may have easily been interpolated as an explanation [“as a gloss on τι; see Luk_23:41” (Alford, from Meyer)], while the omission of the word [if it originally belonged to the text], would be improbable. [The word is omitted in G. H. and in a number of minuscules; it is dropped by the text. rec., and by Alf, but is substituted for τούτῳ by Lach. and Born.—“The word wickedness, although not printed in Italics, is supplied by the translators, being found neither in the common text nor in the critical editions; but several of the oldest copies have a Greek word (ἄτοπον) elsewhere rendered harm (Act_28:6), amiss (Luk_23:41), unreasonable (2Th_3:2). The idea of fault or crime is of course suggested even by the shorter reading, “if there be any thing in this (or the) man.” (Alexander).—Tr.]

[4]Act_25:6. The majority of the manuscripts [A. B. C. E., and Vulg.] exhibit: οὐ πλείους ὀκτὼ ἤ δέκα, and this reading should be regarded as genuine. Two manuscripts [G. H.] read: πλείους ἢ δέκα [and this is the reading adopted by text. rec.]; in one minuscule [no. 137], and several versions [Syr. etc.], the words οὐ πλείους were dropped. [E. omits οὐ; B. reads πλείονας.—The margin of the Engl. Bible has the following note: “More than ten days; or, as some copies read, no more than eight or ten days.”—Recent editors generally read: οὐ πλ. ὀκ. ἢ δέκα. Alford, quoting from Meyer, says: “The number of days is variously read: which has probably arisen from the later MSS., which have η for the ὀκτὼ of the more ancient ones; thus η (the letter of the Greek alphabet representing eight) has been omitted on account of the η (the particle disjunctive, meaning or) which follows.”—Cod. Sin. reads: ου πλειους ημερας οκτω η δεκα.—Tr.]

[5]Act_25:7. καταφέροντες [found in A. B. C., Cod. Sin. and Vulg. (objicientes)], is far more strongly attested than ἐπιφέρ. [E.], and the simple form φέροντες [G. and H.], each of which is found only in one uncial manuscript. [But the latter is found in two.—Lach., Tisch., and Alf., read καταφ.—For αἰτιάματα, of text. rec., with many minuscules, recent editors read αἰτιώματα, with A. B. C. E. G. H. Cod. Sin.—Tr.]

[6]Act_25:11. οὖν is decidedly attested [by A. B. C. E. and Cod. Sin.]; γάρ [of G. H. Vulg. (si enim), and text. rec.], is evidently a correction. [“εἰ μὲν οὖν seemed to the copyists to contradict οὐδὲν ἠδικησα in the preceding verse.” (Meyer). Recent editors generally substitute οὖν for γάρ.—Tr.]

Lange's Commentary on the Holy Scriptures (Critical, Doctrinal, and Homiletical), ed. John Peter Lange, English translation edited by Philip Schaff (1864–1880) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

CHAPTER 25

1. Festus and the Jews. Paul appeals to Caesar (Act 25:1-12).

2. King Agrippa visits Festus (Act 25:13-27).

3. Paul brought before the King (Act 25:23-27).

The new governor, Festus, had arrived at Caesarea, and then went up to Jerusalem, the capital of the province. The Jews had not forgotten Paul, though they had not attempted another accusation before Felix, knowing that the case was hopeless. But they made at once an effort with the new governor. No sooner had this official made his appearance in Jerusalem than the high priest and the chief of the Jews made a report about Paul. Most likely Festus had not even heard of Paul up to that time. What really took place in Jerusalem, Festus later relates to Agrippa. When Paul was presented to Agrippa, Festus introduced him by saying, “Ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me both at Jerusalem and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer” (Act 25:24). A scene of tumult must have been enacted in Jerusalem when Festus showed himself. The mob clamored for the life of Paul. When they noticed the reluctance of the governor, they concocted another plan. They requested that Paul should be brought to Jerusalem. On the way there they intended to murder him.

But Festus was divinely guided in it all, and when he asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem, Paul appealed to Caesar. This settled his journey to Rome.

King Agrippa and Bernice paid a visit to the new governor. The father of this king was known as Herod Agrippa, and died under awful circumstances (chapter 12) in the year 44. When his father died Agrippa was in Rome. He was too young to receive the kingdom of his father Herod. Eight years later, Herod, King of Chalcis, the uncle of Agrippa, died. He had married Agrippa’s sister Bernice, and Caesar gave Chalcis to Agrippa. Later Agrippa received the title as king. Agrippa I had left three daughters besides this son--Bernice, Marianne and Drusilla, the wife of Felix. Bernice, who was the wife of her uncle, after his death joined her brother Agrippa in Rome. She married a Celician ruler, but deserted him and joined again her brother, in whose company she paid this visit to Caesarea. And Paul appeared before the King. A great audience had gathered and much pomp was displayed. Then the prisoner was brought in. What a contrast! Perhaps they looked upon him with pity as they saw the chain. But more pity must have filled the heart of the great servant of Christ as he saw the poor lost souls bedecked with the miserable tinsel of earth. Festus addressed the King and the whole company. He frankly states what troubled him and that he expects the King to furnish the material for the statements he had, as governor, to send to Rome.

Arno C. Gaebelein, The Annotated Bible (1913–1922) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Paul Appeals to Caesar. Act 25:1-12

The hearing before Festus arranged:

v. 1. Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Caesarea to Jerusalem.

v. 2. Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him,

v. 3. and desired favor against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him.

v. 4. But Festus answered that Paul should be kept at Caesarea, and that he himself would depart shortly thither.

v. 5. Let ’them therefore, said he, which among you are able go down with me and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him.

Porcius Festus, the new procurator of Palestine, is spoken of in terms of praise by Josephus, because he succeeded in dispersing the bands of robbers and in putting to death many of the assassins that infested the country. He entered upon the province, upon his duties as governor, in the year 60 A. D. , landing at Caesarea and taking possession of the administrative buildings. But very soon, after three days, he made the journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem, which was still the capital of the Jewish nation. Evidently the Jewish leaders had not forgotten their hatred of Paul during the latter’s long imprisonment; if anything, they were more vindictive than ever, since their plans had failed of success. For they took this opportunity of informing Festus against Paul, of laying formal and legal information against him as a criminal. The high priest Ananias had been deposed, and Ishmael, the son of Phabi, was acting high priest; but on this occasion all the high priests, past and present, were united, together with the foremost men of the Jewish nation, determined at all costs to put Paul out of the way. They earnestly begged Festus, requesting it as a special favor, that he should send Paul up to Jerusalem, having made an ambush to kill him along the way. Here is a combination of hypocrisy and hatred seldom equaled, rarely even approached. With their murderous designs fully matured and the assassins engaged, they act as though their only concern was a new trial, with both Festus and the chief complainants present in Jerusalem. Now Festus, anxious to gain and keep the favor of the Jews, nevertheless thought it inexpedient to have the prisoner brought to Jerusalem. Paul was then in custody at Caesarea, and his own stay at Jerusalem would be very short, since he intended to leave shortly. Thus, by the providence of God, Festus was obliged to return with speed to Caesarea that the life of Paul might be spared according to His plans. The governor added that those among the Jews that had authority to act, on account of their rank or office, those that were competent to represent the Jews in this matter, should make the journey down to Caesarea with him, and then they might lay their charges against Paul, whether there were really anything criminal in him, whether he were the malefactor which their accusations represented him to be. Note: Instead of speaking of chance and fortune, Christians should substitute the dispensation and government of God, for many matters which seem to us of very minor importance are of the greatest consequence, as the sequel proves.

Paul E. Kretzmann, Popular Commentary of the Bible (1921–1924) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:1. Τρεῖς ἡμέρας after three days: quickly enough.

Bengel's Gnomon of the New Testament — English translation (T&T Clark, Edinburgh, 1860) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act_25:1. Naturally it was the interest of Festus, both in his official and personal capacity, after he had entered upon his province as procurator of Judaea, i.e. after having arrived in it, soon to acquaint himself more fully with the famous sacred capital of the nation which he now governed.

ἐπιβαίνειν, with the dative. See Thuc. vii. 70. 5; Diog. L. 1. 19; Diod. xvi. 66; Pind. Nem. iii. 19.

τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ (Act_23:34); for the procurators were also called ἔπαρχοι. See Krebs in loc.

Meyer — Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament — English translation by Peter Christie, edited by Frederick Crombie (T&T Clark, 1880) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:1 . ἐπιβὰς : “having come into the province,” A. and R.V., or, “having entered upon his province,” R.V. margin. If we read τῇ ἐπαρχείῳ with Weiss and W.H [389] margin, the word is an adjective of two terminations, sc. ἐξουσίᾳ , i.e. , having entered on his duties as governor of the province (see Weiss, Apostelgeschichte , p. 8), and cf. Act 23:34 . For the adjective in inscriptions see Blass, in loco. μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμ .: “sat cito,” Bengel. ἀνέβη : went up to Jerusalem officially as the capital; the visit had nothing necessarily to do with St. Paul, but the close-connecting τε may indicate that the action of the priests in again bringing up their case was to be expected.

[389] Westcott and Hort’s The New Testament in Greek: Critical Text and Notes.

The Expositor's Greek Testament, edited by W. Robertson Nicoll (1897–1910) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:1-12. ARRIVAL OF FESTUS. PAUL’S CAUSE HEARD BEFORE HIM. PAUL APPEALS TO THE EMPEROR

1. ἐπιβὰς τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ, was come into the province. This may either mean ‘when he had reached Cæsarea,’ to which, as the seaport, he would naturally come first; or, with margin of the Rev. Vers., ‘when he had entered upon his province.’ The former seems to be the preferable sense because of what follows.

ἐπαρχία, which only occurs in N.T. here and in Act 23:34, is common in the Apocryphal Acts. Cf. Acta Petri et Pauli, §§ 3, 5, &c.

μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ἀνέβη, after three days he went up. Festus took a very short time to make himself acquainted with what would be his principal residence, and then went up to visit the Capital.

Cambridge Greek Testament for Schools and Colleges (Cambridge University Press, 1896; 21 vols, various authors incl. Carr, Maclear, Plummer, Farrar, Lumby, Moule, M. R. James, Simcox) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

25:1.] The term ἐπαρχία is properly used of a province, whether imperial or senatorial (see note on ch. 13:7),—but is here loosely applied to Judæa, which was only a procuratorship, attached to the province of Syria. So also Josephus calls Festus ἔπαρχος, Antt. xx. 8. 11; as also Albinus, ib. 9. 1.

Henry Alford, The Greek Testament (1849–1861) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Satan’s Ministers are subtle and diligent in seeking all occasions: but God who watcheth for his, hindereth all their counsels easily.

Geneva Bible (1599) marginal notes — public domain. Text via Bolls.life.

We commonly say, "New lords, new laws, new customs;" but here was a new governor, and yet Paul had the same treatment from him that he had from the former, and no better. Festus, like Felix, is not so just to him as he should have been, for he does not release him; and yet not so unjust to him as the Jews would have had him to be, for he will not condemn him to die, nor expose him to their rage. Here is,

I. The pressing application which the high priest and other Jews used with the governor to persuade him to abandon Paul; for to send him to Jerusalem was in effect to abandon him. 1. See how speedy they were in their applications to Festus concerning Paul. As soon as ever he had come into the province, and had taken possession of the government, into which, probably, he was installed at Caesarea, within three days he went up to Jerusalem, to show himself there, and presently the priests were upon him to proceed against Paul. He staid three days at Caesarea, where Paul was a prisoner, and we do not find that in that time Paul made any application to him to release him, though, no doubt, he could have made good friends, that he might hope to have prevailed by; but as soon as ever he comes up to Jerusalem the priests are in all haste to make an interest with him against Paul. See how restless a thing malice is. Paul more patiently bears the lengthening out of his imprisonment than his enemies do the delay of his prosecution even to the death. 2. See how spiteful they were in their application. They informed the governor against Paul (Act 25:2) before he was brought upon a fair trial, that so they might, if possible, prejudge the cause with the governor, and make him a party who was to be the judge. But this artifice, though base enough, they could not confide in; for the governor would be sure to hear him himself, and then all their informations against him would fall to the ground; and therefore they form another project much more base, and that is to assassinate Paul before he came upon his trial. These inhuman hellish methods, which all the world profess at least to abhor, have these persecutors recourse to, to gratify their malice against the gospel of Christ, and this too under colour of zeal for Moses. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum - such was their dire religious zeal. 3. See how specious the pretence was. Now that the governor was himself at Jerusalem they desired he would send for Paul thither, and try him there, which would save the prosecutors a great deal of labour, and looked most reasonable, because he was charged with having profaned the temple at Jerusalem, and it is usual for criminals to be tried in the court where the fact was committed; but that which they designed was to way-lay him as he was brought up, and to murder him upon the road, supposing that he would not be brought up under so strong a guard as he was sent down with, or that the officers that were to bring him up might be bribed to give them an opportunity for their wickedness. It is said, They desired favour against Paul. The business of prosecutors is to demand justice against one that they suppose to be a criminal, and, if he be not proved so, it is as much justice to acquit him as it is to condemn him if he be. But to desire favour against a prisoner, and from the judge too, who ought to be of counsel for him, is a very impudent thing. The favour ought to be for the prisoner, in favorem vitae - to favour his life, but here they desire it against him. They will take it as a favour if the governor will but condemn Paul, though they can prove no crime upon him.

II. The governor's resolution that Paul shall take his trial at Caesarea, where he now is, Act 25:4, Act 25:5. See how he manages the prosecutors. 1. He will not do them the kindness to send for him to Jerusalem; no, he gave orders that Paul should be kept at Caesarea. It does not appear that he had any suspicion, much less any certain information, of their bloody design to murder him by the way, as the chief priests had when he sent him to Caesarea (Act 23:30); but perhaps he was not willing so far to oblige the high priest and his party, or he would maintain the honour of his court at Caesarea and require their attendance there, or he was not willing to be at the trouble or charge of bringing Paul up; whatever was his reason for refusing it, God made use of it as a means of preserving Paul out of the hands of his enemies. Perhaps now they were more careful to keep their conspiracy secret than they had been before, that the discovery of it might not be now, as it was then, the defeat of it. But though God does not, as then, bring it to light, yet he finds another way, as effectual, to bring it to nought, by inclining the heart of the governor, for some other reasons, not to remove Paul to Jerusalem. God is not tied to one method, in working out salvation for his people. He can suffer the designs against them to be concealed, and yet not suffer them to be accomplished; and can make even the carnal policies of great men to serve his gracious purposes. 2. Yet he will do them the justice to hear what they have to say against Paul, if they will go down to Caesarea, and appear against him there: "Let those among you who are able, able in body and purse for such a journey, or able in mind and tongue to manage the prosecution - let those among you who are fit to be managers, go down with me, and accuse this man; or, those who are competent witnesses, who are able to prove any thing criminal upon him, let them go and give in their evidence, if there be any such wickedness in him as you charge upon him." Festus will not take it for granted, as they desire he should, that there is wickedness in him, till it is proved upon him, and he has been heard in his own defence; but, if he be guilty, it lies upon them to prove him so.

III. Paul's trial before Festus. Festus staid at Jerusalem about ten days, and then went down to Caesarea, and the prosecutors, it is likely, in his retinue; for he said they should go down with him; and, since they are so eager in the prosecution, he is willing this cause should be first called; and, that they may hasten home, he will despatch it the next day. Expedition in administering justice is very commendable, provided more haste be not made than good speed. Now here we have, 1. The court set, and the prisoner called to the bar. Festus sat in the judgment-seat, as he used to do when any cause was brought before him that was of consequence, and he commanded Paul to be brought, and to make his appearance, Act 25:6. Christ, to encourage his disciples and keep up their spirits under such awful trials of their courage as this was to Paul, promised them that the day should come when they should sit on thrones, judging the tribes of Israel. 2. The prosecutors exhibiting their charges against the prisoner (Act 25:7): The Jews stood round about, which intimates that they were many. Lord, how are they increased that trouble me! It intimates also that they were unanimous, they stood by one another, and resolved to hold together; and that they were intent upon the prosecution, and eager in clamouring against Paul. They stood round about, if possible, to frighten the judge into a compliance with their malicious design, or, at least, to frighten the prisoner, and to put him out of countenance; but in vain: he had too just and strong an assurance to be frightened by them. They compassed me about like bees, but they are quenched as the fire of thorns, Psa 118:12. When they stood round about him, they brought many and grievous accusations against Paul, so it should be read. They charged him with high crimes and misdemeanors. The articles of impeachment were many, and contained things of a very heinous nature. They represented him to the court as black and odious as their wit and malice could contrive; but when they had opened the cause as they thought fit, and came to the evidence, there they failed: they could not prove what they alleged against him, for it was all false, and the complaints were groundless and unjust. Either the fact was not as they opened it, or there was no fault in it; they laid to his charge things that he knew not, nor they neither. It is no new thing for the most excellent ones of the earth to have all manner of evil said against them falsely, not only in the song of the drunkards, and upon the seat of the scornful, but even before the judgment-seat. 3. The prisoner's insisting upon his own vindication, Act 25:8. Whoever reproaches him, his own heart does not, and therefore his own tongue shall not; though he die, he will not remove his integrity from him. When it came to his turn to speak for himself, he insisted upon his general plea, Not guilty: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor yet against Caesar, have I offended any thing at all. (1.) He had not violated the law of the Jews, nor taught any doctrine destructive of it. Did he make void the law by faith? No, he established the law. Preaching Christ, the end of the law, was no offence against the law. (2.) He had not profaned the temple, nor put any contempt at all upon the temple-service; his helping to set up the gospel temple did not at all offend against that temple which was a type of it. (3.) He had not offended against Caesar, nor his government. By this it appears that now his cause being brought before the government, to curry favour with the governor and that they might seem friends to Caesar, they had charged him with some instances of disaffection to the present higher powers, which obliged him to purge himself as to that matter, and to protest that he was no enemy to Caesar, not so much as those were who charged him with being so.

IV. Paul's appeal to the emperor, and the occasion of it. This gave the cause a new turn. Whether he had before designed it, or whether it was a sudden resolve upon the present provocation, does not appear; but God puts it into his heart to do it, for the bringing about of that which he had said to him, that he must bear witnesss to Christ at Rome, for there the emperor's court was, Act 23:11. We have here,

1. The proposal which Festus made to Paul to go and take his trial at Jerusalem, Act 25:9. Festus was willing to do the Jews a pleasure, inclined to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome, and therefore asked him whether he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem, and clear himself there, where he had been accused, and where he might have his witnesses ready to vouch for him and confirm what he said. He would not offer to turn him over to the high priest and the sanhedrim, as the Jews would have had him; but, Wilt thou go thither, and be judged of these things before me? The president, if he had pleased, might have ordered him thither, but he would not do it without his own consent, which, if he could have wheedled him to give it, would have taken off the odium of it. In suffering times, the prudence of the Lord's people is tried as well as their patience; being sent forth therefore as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents.

2. Paul's refusal to consent to it, and his reasons for it. He knew, if he were removed to Jerusalem, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of the president, the Jews would find some means or other to be the death of him; and therefore desires to be excused, and pleads, (1.) That, as a citizen of Rome, it was most proper for him to be tried, not only by the president, but in that which was properly his court, which sat at Caesarea: I stand at Caesar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged, in the city which is the metropolis of the province. The court being held in Caesar's name, and by his authority and commission, before one that was delegated by him, it might well be said to be his judgment seat, as, with us, all writs run in the name of the sovereign, in whose name all courts are held. Paul's owning that he ought to be judged at Caesar's judgment-seat plainly proves that Christ's ministers are not exempted from the jurisdiction of the civil powers, but ought to be subject to them, as far as they can with a good conscience; and, if they be guilty of a real crime, to submit to their censure; if innocent, yet to submit to their enquiry, and to clear themselves before them. (2.) That, as a member of the Jewish nation, he had done nothing to make himself obnoxious to them: To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. It very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocency, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. (3.) That he was willing to abide by the rules of the law, and to let that take its course, Act 25:11. If he be guilty of any capital crime that deserves death, he will not offer either to make resistance or to make his escape, will neither flee from justice nor fight with it: "I refuse not to die, but will accept of the punishment of my iniquity." Not that all who have committed any thing worthy of death are obliged to accuse themselves, and offer themselves to justice; but, when they are accused and brought to justice, they ought to submit, and to say both God and the government are righteous; as it is necessary that some should be made examples. But, if he be innocent, as he protests he is, "If there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, - if the prosecution be malicious and they are resolved to have my blood right or wrong, - no man may deliver me unto them, no, not the governor himself, without palpable injustice; for it is his business as much to protect the innocent as to punish the guilty;" and he claims his protection.

3. His appealing to court. Since he is continually in danger of the Jews, and one attempt made after another to get him into their hands, whose tender mercies were cruel, he flies to the dernier resort - the last refuge of oppressed innocency, and takes sanctuary there, since he cannot have justice done him in any other way: "I appeal unto Caesar. Rather than be delivered to the Jews" (which Festus seems inclined to consent to) "let me be delivered to Nero." When David had divers times narrowly escaped the rage of Saul, and concluded he was such a restless enemy that he should one day perish by his hands, he came to this resolution, being in a manner compelled to it, There is nothing better for me than to take shelter in the land of the Philistines, Sa1 27:1. So Paul here. But it is a hard case that a son of Abraham must be forced to appeal to a Philistine, to a Nero, from those who call themselves the seed of Abraham, and shall be safer in Gath or Rome than in Jerusalem. How is the faithful city become a harlot!

V. The judgment given upon the whole matter. Paul is neither released nor condemned. His enemies hoped the cause would be ended in his death; his friends hoped it would be ended in his deliverance; but it proved neither so nor so, they are both disappointed, the thing is left as it was. It is an instance of the slow steps which Providence sometimes takes, not bringing things to an issue so soon as we expect, by which we are often made ashamed both of our hopes and of our fears, and are kept still waiting on God. The cause had before been adjourned to another time, now to another place, to another court, that Paul's tribulation might work patience. 1. The president takes advice upon the matter: He conferred with the council - meta tou sumbouliou, not with the council of the Jews (that is called sunedrion), but with his own counsellors, who were always ready to assist the governor with their advice. In multitude of counsellors there is safety; and judges should consult both with themselves and others before they pass sentence. 2. He determines to send him to Rome. Some think Paul meant not an appeal to Caesar's person, but only to his court, the sentence of which he would abide by, rather than be remitted to the Jew's council, and that Festus might have chosen whether he would have sent him to Rome, or, at least, whether he would have joined issue with him upon the appeal. But it should seem, by what Agrippa said (Act 26:32), that he might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to Caesar - that, by the course of the Roman law, a Roman citizen might appeal at any time to a superior court, even to the supreme, as causes with us are removed by certiorari, and criminals by habeas corpus, and as appeals are often made to the house of peers. Festus, therefore, either of choice or of course, comes to this resolution: Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? Unto Caesar thou shalt go. He found there was something very extraordinary in the case, which he was therefore afraid of giving judgment upon, either one way or other, and the knowledge of which he thought would be an entertainment to the emperor, and therefore he transmitted it to his cognizance. In our judgment before God those that by justifying themselves appeal to the law, to the law they shall go, and it will condemn them; but those that by repentance and faith appeal to the gospel, to the gospel they shall go, and it will save them.

Matthew Henry's Commentary on the Whole Bible (1708–1710) — public domain (CC PDM 1.0). Text via the HelloAO Bible API.

CHAPTER XXV.

Porcius Festus being appointed governor of Judea, instead of

Felix, the Jews beseech him to have Paul brought up to

Jerusalem, that he might be tried there; they lying in wait to

kill him on the way, 1-3.

Festus refuses, and desires those who could prove any thing

against him, to go with him to Caesarea, 4, 5.

Festus, having tarried at Jerusalem about ten days, returns to

Caesarea, and the next day Paul is brought to his trial, and

the Jews of Jerusalem bring many groundless charges against

him, against which he defends himself, 6-8.

In order to please the Jews, Festus asks Paul if he be willing

to go up to Jerusalem, and be tried there, 9.

Paul refuses, and appeals to Caesar, and Festus admits the

appeal, 10-13.

King Agrippa, and Bernice his wife, come to Cesarea to visit

Festus, and are informed by him of the accusations against

Paul, his late trial, and his appeal from them to Caesar,

14-21.

Agrippa desires to hear Paul; and a hearing is appointed for

the following day, 22.

Agrippa, Bernice, the principal officers and chief men of the

city being assembled, Paul is brought forth, 23.

Festus opens the business with generally stating the accusations

against Paul, his trial on these accusations, the groundless

and frivolous nature of the charges, his own conviction of his

innocence, and his desire that the matter might be heard by the

king himself, that he might have something specifically to

write to the emperor, to whom he was about to send Paul,

agreeably to his appeal, 24-27.

NOTES ON CHAP. XXV.

Verse 1. Now when Festus was come into the province] By the province is meant Judea; for, after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; therefore Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterwards Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchate of Philip, that of Batanea and Abila, he nevertheless kept the province of Judea more immediately in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome. Joseph. Ant. lib. xx. cap. 7, sec. 1. Felix being removed, Porcius Festus is sent in his place; and having come to Caesarea, where the Roman governor generally had his residence, after he had tarried three days, he went up to Jerusalem, to acquaint himself with the nature and complexion of the ecclesiastical government of the Jews; no doubt, for the purpose of the better administration of justice among them.

Adam Clarke's Commentary on the Bible (1810–1826) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

1. Then when Festus. The second action is described in this place, wherein Paul hath as hard a combat, and is in no less danger than in the first. Seeing he was left in bonds, Festus might suspect that the cause was doubtful, and so gather an unjust prejudice. But there was another thing which was cause of great danger. We know that new rulers, because they will win the favor of those who are in the provinces, use to grant them many things at their first coming; so that it was to be thought that the death of Paul should be to Festus a fine means to win favor with all. Therefore, the faith of the holy man is assailed afresh with a new trial, as if the promise had been vain whereto he had hitherto trusted; but the grace of God doth so much the more plainly show itself in delivering him, because, contrary to all hope, he is delivered out of the jaws of death. The Jews prevent the governor with their false accusations, yet they do not as yet seek to have him punished, but they do only desire that he may not be brought into any foreign court to plead his cause. They desire that ambitiously as a great benefit, which was to look to equal. How is it then that they do not obtain, save only because God doth hold the mind of Festus, so that he doth stoutly deny that which he was afterward ready to grant? And as the Lord did then hold his mind bound with the secret bridle of his providence, so when he granted him freedom of will he bound his hands, that he could not execute that which he would. Let this confidence support us in dangers, and let it also stir us up to call upon God; and let this make our minds quiet and calm, in that the Lord, in stretching forth his hand, and breaking such a strong conspiracy, did show an eternal example of his power in defending his.

John Calvin's Commentaries (1540-1563) — public domain. Text from the Calvin Translation Society English edition (1840s-50s) via the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (ccel.org). Calvin's coverage is partial (roughly two-thirds of the Bible); uncommented books and verses are honest gaps, never fabricated. The 19th-century editor's footnotes and remarks are omitted so the notes are faithfully Calvin's own voice.

XXV.

(1) After three days he ascended . . .—Better, he went up. (See Note on Act_24:1.)

A Bible Commentary for English Readers, edited by Charles John Ellicott (1878–1897) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

1 Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Caesarea to Jerusalem.

Ver. 1. Now when Festus] Who succeeded Felix in the government, as after Festus came Albinus, and after him Florus, under whom Jerusalem was sacked and ruined. That heavy curse was executed upon this wretched people, Lev 26:17; "If ye still trespass against me, I will set princes over you that shall hate you," mischievous, odious princes; odious to God, oppressive to the people. After the revolt of the ten tribes, they had not one good king. And a Popish writer complains, that for many successions the see of Rome non merita est regi nisi a reprobis, had deserved to be ruled by none but reprobates. When Phocas had slain Mauricius, there was an honest poor man (saith Cedrenus) who was wonderfully importunate at the throne of grace, to know a reason why that wicked man prospered so in his design; he was answered again by a voice, that there could not be a worse man found, and that the sins of Christians did require it.

John Trapp, A Commentary or Exposition upon All the Books of the Old and New Testament (1647–1656) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Now when Festus was come - See the notes on Act 24:27.

Into the province - The province of Judea; for Judea at that time was a Roman province.

After three days - Having remained three days at Caesarea.

He ascended - This was the usual language in describing a journey to Jerusalem. Thus, the English people speak of going up to London, because it is the capital. See the notes on Act 15:1.

To Jerusalem - The governors of Judea at this time usually resided at Caesarea; but as Jerusalem had been the former capital; as it was still the seat of the religious solemni ties; as the Sanhedrin held its meetings there; and as the great, and rich, and learned men, and the priests resided there, it is evident that a full knowledge of the state of the province could be obtained only there. Festus, therefore, having entered upon the duties of his office, early went to Jerusalem to make himself acquainted with the affairs of the nation.

Albert Barnes' Notes on the Bible (1834–1885) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

Festus having arrived at his province, goes to Jerusalem to be inaugurated. The Jews took this opportunity of requesting St. Paul might be sent to Jerusalem, that they might accomplish the iniquitous purport of their vow. Such consequence did they attribute to the death of this one man, that they had no greater favour to ask of their new governor at his auspicious entry among them. (Tirinus)

George Leo Haydock (1774–1849), Haydock's Catholic Family Bible and Commentary, 1859 edition — public domain. Excludes Psalms (Douay-Rheims chapter numbering differs from Protestant) and Deuterocanonical books (Catholic canon only).

Province; so the Romans called any country which they had conquered with their arms, and unto which they sent a governor, which at this time was Festus, being now set over Judea in Felix’s room.

Caesarea had been the place of residence for the Roman governors, by reason of its strength and situation, in Act 23:23.

Matthew Poole's English Annotations on the Holy Bible (1683–1685) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

St. Paul before Festus

1f. St. Paul and Festus.

2. The high priest] RV 'the chief priests.'

3. Favour] They desired from the judge partiality, not justice; and probably offered him money.

5. Able] rather, 'influential.'

6. More than, etc.] RV 'not more than eight or ten days.'

9. Provincial governors were generally anxious to be on good terms with their subjects, because, when their term of office was over, the provincials had the right to complain of them to the Emperor. Before me] The proposal was that Paul should be tried by the Sanhedrin, and that Festus should be present to see fair play.

10, 11. The appeal was forced upon him because, (1) trial by the Sanhedrin (even with Festus present as moderator) meant certain condemnation; and (2) there seemed no prospect of release without appeal. Festus was too just to pronounce his condemnation; but he was also too timid to incur the odium of pronouncing him innocent.

10. I stand] RV (correctly) 'I am (now) standing before Cæsar's judgmentseat' (i.e. thy judgment-seat, O Festus); 'where I ought to be judged' (and not before a Jewish court, like the Sanhedrin).

12. The council] i.e. the governo's legal advisers.

13. King Agrippa and Bernice] Agrippa II (Marcus Julius Agrippa) was the son of Agrippa I and Cypros. See art. 'Dynasty of the Herods.' His sister Bernice, with whom at this time he was living on terms of criminal intimacy, was an attractive but dissolute woman. At thirteen she was married to her uncle, Herod, king of Chalcis, to whom she bore two sons. After his death she became wife of Polemo, king of Cilicia, and mistress of Vespasian and Titus. To salute] RV 'and saluted.' On the arrival of the Roman governor, the inferior rulers naturally made haste to show him respect.

19. Superstition] RV 'religion.'

20. Doubted] RV '(was) perplexed how to inquire concerning these things.'

21. Augustus] lit. 'the Augustus.' 'Augustus,' originally a family name, had now become an official title of the Emperor.

23. Chief captains] i.e. tribunes.

26. As Agrippa was expert in all matters of the Jewish law, Festus hoped that he would help him to compose a letter to the Emperor, which would make it clear what the charges against Paul really were.

J. R. Dummelow, A Commentary on the Holy Bible (Macmillan, 1909) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Foetus therefore having come for now when Foetus was come, A.V.; went up for he ascended, A.V.; to Jerusalem from Casarea for from Caesarea to Jerusalem, A.V. The province (ejparcia); above, Act_23:34. After three days, etc. It is an evidence of the diligence of Foetus that he lost no time in going to Jerusalem, the center of disaffection to the Roman government.

Vers. 1-12. Persistent hatred.

There is a bitterness and a dogged persistency in the enmity of an Oriental, and an inextinguishable thirst for revenge, which are unlike anything we know of among ourselves. Some knowledge and perception of this are necessary to enable us to understand many things in the Old Testament, including allusions to his enemies in some of the Psalms of David. The conduct of the Jews to St. Paul is a remarkable example of this persevering hatred, which nothing could avert or mollify. Passing over the previous displays of it at every place in Asia and Europe where the apostle preached the gospel, from the first outbreak of it at Damascus to the last conspiracy against him at Corinth, (Act_9:23 Act_20:3) we notice the allusion to its existence, and to the cause of it, by James in Act_21:21. We then saw the steps taken by St. Paul to conciliate those enemies, and to convince them that their prejudice against him was unfounded. But how vain these efforts were soon appears. In the very temple court where he was taking pains to humor their prejudices and to soften their hatred, that hatred broke out into a flame of unparalleled violence. In an instant the whole city was upon him, and would have torn him to pieces had not the Roman soldiers rescued him from their hands. A momentary lull while they listened to Paul"s Hebrew speech was followed by a more furious burst of passion than before. When violence had failed to take away the hated life, they had recourse to guile and to the arts of the secret assassin. Baffled again at Jerusalem, they followed him to Caesarea. They hired an advocate to vilify him before the Roman judge. They heaped charge upon charge and lie upon lie in hope to compass his condemnation, and when for two whole years their malice had been defeated, while the object of their hatred remained a prisoner out of their reach, and at a time when the miseries of their country called for all their attention and solicitude, far from time having dulled the edge of their malice, or the calls of patriotism having diverted their thoughts from the object of their revenge, they were more intent than ever upon Paul"s destruction. Their first thought on the change of government seems to have been, not thankfulness for the cessation of the oppressive tyranny of Felix, but the hope of working upon the inexperience of Festus so as to get Paul into their power. Again the baffled assassins were ready to fall upon the doomed man by the way; again the restless hatred of the chief priests carried them to Caesarea to try what false accusations could bring about. But this spectacle of unwearied and unscrupulous hatred and persistent malice, hideous as it is, acquires a value of its own when we contrast with it the love and the kindness of the gospel of Christ. Whence must those precepts of patience and forgiveness and love for our enemies have sprung, which shine like precious jewels in the pages of the Bible? Or look at St. Paul. He was a Jew like them: were they Hebrews? so was he. And yet, while they were cursing, and conspiring, and Persecuting, and blaspheming, he was loving, enduring, forgiving, striving to overcome evil with good. They were moving heaven and earth to take away his life who had never done them any wrong; and his heart"s desire and prayer to God for them, his cruel persecutors, and the labor of his whole life as well, was that they might be saved. It is a wonderful contrast. It sets out the Divine origin of the gospel and its heavenly character with singular force. It is a most luminous comment on our Lord"s words, "Ye are from beneath; I am from above". (Joh_8:23) The bright star of love shines all the brighter in our eyes from being thus, as it were, surrounded by the thick darkness of a persistent hatred.

HOMILIES BY W. CLARKSON. Vers. 1-16. The enlightened, the unenlightened, and the great Overruler.

This piece of sacred history suggests

I THAT SOMETIMES THE BLACKEST DEEDS LIE AT THE DOOR OF THE ENLIGHTENED. Who more enlightened than these Jews, so far as outward privileges were concerned? They had the fullest opportunity of knowing the truth and of acting uprightly. They "had the mind" of God; revelation had shone on their path with full, strong light. Yet we find them (vers. 2, 3) endeavoring to get Paul into their power, that they might deliberately assassinate him. And we again find them fiercely preferring charges against him which they could not prove (ver. 7). And again we find them demanding judgment against him when no crime had been established (ver. 15). In how dark a light does their action appear! The men that would have shuddered at a small and venial impropriety or omission do not scruple to do rank injustice, to commit murder! They were neither the first nor the last to make this fatal mistake (Luk_11:42; Mat_7:21-23) There have been, and are, many souls who have accounted themselves, and have been reckoned by others, peculiarly holy, at whose door lie the most serious sins, who are living lives utterly evil in God"s sight, and who will awake to condemnation and retribution at the last. (Psa_139:23, Psa_139:24)

II THAT SOMETIMES THE UNENLIGHTENED EXHIBIT ADMIRABLE VIRTUES. The Roman had been far less favored than the Jew in the great matter of religious privilege. Not unto him had been "committed the oracles of God;" not to him had psalmists sung and prophets prophesied. Yet we find the Roman sometimes exhibiting virtue of an excellent order. We find this here. Festus, indeed, desired to "do the Jews a pleasure" (ver. 9). What governor would not? But he did not commit any act of illegality or injustice in order to do this, and we find him on two occasions resolutely declining to yield to pressure when he could not do so without departing from fairness (vers. 4, 5, 15, 16). This worthiness of behavior may have been due to respect for law rather than regard for individual right; but it was honorable and excellent, as far as it went. The self-control it indicates contrasts strongly with the abandonment to passionate hatred which disgraced the Jews. Virtue is sometimes found unassociated with religion.

(1) It may be the indirect and unconscious result of religious influence;

(2) or it may be the outgrowth of nobility of nature originally bestowed by the Creator;

(3) or it may be the lingering consequence of early habits in which the life was trained. In any case, not rooted in religion it is

(a) unsatisfactory to God in its nature, and it is

(b) uncertain in its duration. All moral excellency should be built on spiritual convictions. Then, and then only, is it pleasing to God and certain to endure.

III THAT DIVINE PROVIDENCE IS PRESIDING OVER ALL EVENTS. Had Festus, "willing to do the Jews a pleasure," consented to Paul"s being brought to Jerusalem (ver. 3), he would have fallen a victim to their murderous machinations. Then the Church of Christ would never have had some of those Epistles which now enrich our sacred literature, and which we could ill spare from the sacred volume. But "his hour was not yet come his hour of martyrdom, his hour of holy triumph, his hour of deliverance and redemption. Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints," and vainly is the persecutor"s arm uplifted if God does not mean that the blow shall fail. So with all events. The Divine Overruler is "shaping the ends" of all things, directing the course and tracing the bound of our activities, compelling even the wrath of man to praise him, conducting all things to a rightful and blessed issue. C.

HOMILIES BY E. JOHNSON Vers. 1-12. Tenacity in right.

Paul is brought before a fresh judge. He defends the principles of duty and right in the same spirit as before, with perfect boldness, as the state of the matter demands, and at the same time with due respect to the office of the judge.

I CONSTANCY IN THE DEFENSE OF RIGHT. Let us view this in contrast:

1. To the audacity of the hypocrite. They brought many and heavy charges against Paul, which they were unable to prove. Again, "the servant is as his Lord." The substance of the charges, too, ever the same: transgression of the Law, desecration of the temple, revolt against the emperor. Simple and sincere, is the defense, in both cases. (comp. ver. 8 with Joh_18:20, Joh_18:21)

2. To the insolence of the knave. Paul refuses no legal investigation. He stands firmly on the constitution of the state, before the tribunal of Caesar. The "powers that be" he taught were divinely ordained for the repression of evil-doers and the defense of the righteous.

3. To the obstinacy of the contentious man. He willingly subjects himself to any fair investigation and just decision of his case.

II THE APPEAL TO THE EMPEROR. Some general allegorical lessons may be derived from this. The Christian may and should appeal:

1. From the sentence of the unjust man to the judgment of the just.

2. From the passions of the moment to the calm verdict of posterity.

3. From the opinions of the external world to the testimony of the inner world of conscience.

4. From the human tribunal to the eternal throne.

And as to the decision: "To Caesar thou shalt go!" It was partly Festus"s, partly Paul"s, and above all, that of Providence. So in our own life-crises. There is a coincidence of our own wishes with the external decision of another. Below or above both is the divinity that shapes our ends, the hand of him who causes all things to work together for good. J.

HOMILIES BY R.A. REDFORD Vers. 1-12. The way opened to Rome.

I A WAY WHICH HAD TO BE CUT THROUGH JEWISH CRAFT AND MALICE on the one hand, and ROMAN INDIFFERENCE AND AVARICE on the other. Festers: a true heathen, ignorant, worldly, ready to use power for self-aggrandizement, hating the provincial strifes. The Jews: inveterate haters, keeping up their spite for two years; subtle-minded plotters, using Festus"s visit to Jerusalem to get Paul into their power; absolutely unprincipled and false, ready to perjure themselves; and shameless in their fanaticism.

II PROVIDENTIAL INTERPOSITION TO REMOVE OBSTACLES. Festus desired to remain but a short time in Jerusalem. Felix had probably left information which induced him to be cautious in dealing with Paul. Roman pride was roused by the transparent hypocrisy of the Jews. A rebuff of the Jewish leaders at the onset might be of service in ruling the province.

III THE APPEARANCE OF PAUL IN COURT won upon the ruler"s mind, and helped him to listen respectfully to his assertion of innocence. But the critical point was the reference of the case to Roman justice as such. Festus was forgetting himself; Paul brought him hack to his duty, "I stand at Caesar"s judgment-seat." One stroke of honest truth smites down a host of lies (cf. Luther at Worms). The assessors were at hand. Festus might have done wrong had he been by himself, but with his council to bear witness, his own life was at stake. "Appeal unto Caesar" was the gate at last opened, and no man could shut it. There was a voice speaking to Paul which he knew could command Rome itself to obey. R.

The Pulpit Commentary (1880–1919), ed. H.D.M. Spence-Jones & Joseph S. Exell — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

But after But when two years were fulfilled, Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus; and desiring to gain favour with the Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds.

The Scofield Reference Bible (1917 edition), notes by C. I. Scofield — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

Act 25:19

I. It was essentially the worldliness of Festus which made him regard the resurrection of Christ as an idle superstition. Let us begin by inquiring in what that worldliness consisted. Worldliness—i.e., the preference of the pleasurable to the right, the visible to the invisible, the transient to the everlasting. To feel Christ’s resurrection as a power in life demands spiritual sympathy with Christ. Can the selfish see the beauty of unselfishness, or the sensual the beauty of purity? It needs the sense of sin, and of the necessity of a Divine and perfect sacrifice. Does the man of the world feel these? Are not thousands of men, like Festus, simply indifferent to the whole matter? To them the life, death, and resurrection of Christ is a mere story. It may be beautiful and awaken pity; it may at times become solemn and kindle fear; but it lies in their soul’s chamber carelessly admitted as true, side by side with the most ancient and exploded errors.

II. Let us consider its aspect for the earnest believer. Turn from Festus to Paul. As we have seen, all his mighty energy of devotion sprang from his belief that Christ lived. There is abundant proof that this was the great theme of his preaching. He proclaimed not the dead, but the living Saviour. (1) The resurrection of Christ was a sign of the Divinity of His teaching. (2) It was a witness to the perfectness of His atonement. (3) It was a pledge of the immortality of man. Christ died our death. He passed into the death kingdom our brother. He came again, communed with men, and then rose, bearing our nature to the Father. There was the witness to the immortal in man. Hence Paul’s all-consuming zeal. The radiance of eternal life streamed on his vision through the open tomb of one Jesus, who was dead, but who, he affirmed, was alive for evermore.

E. L. Hull, Sermons, 3rd series, p. 221.

Superstition.

Here Christianity is summarily disposed of by Festus as a superstition. This is a word we are quite familiar with, and we know, in a vague sort of way, what we mean when we speak of a practice or a belief as superstitious, and it somewhat startles us to see Christianity itself dismissed by the scornful Roman as a superstition.

I. The essence of superstition is the having low views of God when it is possible to have higher; in the presence of the higher to maintain the lower. It was, for example, superstition among the Jews in the form of idolatry that was forbidden in the Second Commandment. By that commandment the Jews were forbidden to make any graven image to represent God; and the reason was that the representation of God under human or animal forms was found to debase and degrade their conceptions of God. The Second Commandment is to us a spiritual command. We must study its spirit, not its letter; and its spirit is, Thou shalt not entertain low views of God. We break it when we attribute to God the limitations and imperfections of human nature, whether those limitations or imperfections be spiritual or bodily. It was superstition in the Pharisees when they thought that God connived at their evasion of actual duties because they kept the letter of some human ordinances, when they substituted ritual for deeds of purity and kindness, when they were unjust and cruel under the name of religion. This was superstition, because it meant that their views of God were still so low that they thought it pleased Him that they should worship Him in this way. They thought that God was even such a one as themselves.

II. The evil of a low conception of God is, perhaps, the most subtle and irreparable that can befall the human spirit. Our conception of God moulds our ideal of life. Such as we think God to be, such we tend to become. "They that make them are like unto them," was said of idols and idol makers, and it is true of all conceptions of God. It is a law of human nature. It was precisely because men thought that God took pleasure in torturing men for false beliefs after they were dead that they themselves took pleasure in torturing them while they were alive. That Calvin should have condemned Servetus to the stake, that Cranmer should have signed the death warrant of Frith, are but memorable examples of the evil of holding unworthy views of God. From the fact that higher and lower views of God subsist side by side in a society or country, it becomes a question of interest what is the right attitude in presence of what seems superstition in others. The golden rule, the one absolute, supreme rule, is of course charity—a tender, sympathetic, brotherly love—neither indifference, nor contempt; the desire to raise him, and yet the resolve that while the world yet standeth we will not make our brother to offend. With such charity and sympathy as our guide, we cannot go far wrong.

J. M. Wilson, Christian World Pulpit, vol. xxx., p. 263.

References: E. L. Hull, Sermons, 3rd series, p. 221; Preacher’s Monthly, vol. ii., p. 248.

The Sermon Bible, ed. William Robertson Nicoll (1888–1900) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

St. Luke here informs us, that Festus being come to the government, and going up to Jerusalem, the high-priest and rulers of the Jews quickly began to inform him against Paul, and besought him that he would send for him to Jerusalem, resolving to lay some villains by the way to kill him as he came; but the Divine Providence so overruled the matter, that Festus would not consent to it, but ordered his accusers to come to Cesarea, and implead him there.

Here note, 1. How restless is the rage, and unwearied the malice and enmity, which the persecutors of the truth have against the professors and preachers of it. The high-priest, and chief of the Sanhedrin or ecclesiastical court, continue their murderous designs against the innocent apostle; and are sorry they could not get an heathen governor as cruel as themselves to join with them. Heathens have sometimes blushed at the mention of those crimes, which the professors of religion have committed without either shame or remorse.

Note, 2. How deplorably corrupt and degenerate the Jewish church at this time was! Lord, what priests and church-governors were here, who call it a favour to have an opportunity granted them to murder an innocent man in cold blood, contrary to the law of nature and of nations!

But behold the justice of God upon them; they were now given up to a reprobate sense, and are hurried headlong by a diabolical spirit, a little before their final destruction. O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, who killedst the prophets, and stonedst them that were sent unto thee!

Note, 3. What an overruling Providence was here seen, in that Festus, by no flatteries nor persuasions, would be prevailed with to remove the apostle from Cesarea to Jerusalem. This broke the high-priest’s measures, who designed to have killed him by the way. "No, saith Festus, the prisoner shall not come to you, but you shall go to him."

This was a marvellous providence for the apostle’s preservation. O how easy is it for the most wise God to baffle and blast the most cunning contrivances of the devil; to befool the enemies of his church and people, by making the counsels of the wicked to be of no effect! God looks and laughs at all the plots of wicked men against the righteous: frustration and disappointment attend all their designs, and perdition and destruction doth awe their persons, He that sitteth in heaven laughs them to scorn, the Lord has them in derision. Psa 2:5

William Burkitt's Expository Notes on the New Testament (1700–1703) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

PAUL’S APPEAL TO CAESAR

1-12. Festus, the successor of Felix in the governorship of Judea, like Lysias, the kiliarch of Jerusalem, shows up a very beautiful character in all of his dealings with Paul, but one thing preventing him from releasing him at once, and that was Paul’s appeal to Caesar, which I trow was providential. An evangelistic tour in Rome, the world’s metropolis and capital, had been the life-long ambition of Paul. Though I traveled that same route, going from Jerusalem to Rome in twelve days, three years ago, in Paul’s day, without steam engines or mariner’s compass, it was a greater undertaking than the circumnavigation of the globe at the present day. Paul had no money with which to prosecute a voyage of two thousand miles [the way he went]. By appealing to Caesar he thus providentially compelled his enemies to defray all of his traveling expenses. Oh, how God makes the wrath of men to praise Him! At the very time when angry Herod was killing all the boy babies of Bethlehem, to cut off Jesus lest he dethrone the Herodian dynasty, behold Jesus has gone far away into Egypt on the back of a donkey! At the very time when Pharaoh, who symbolizes the devil, was killing all the boy babies born among the Hebrews, in order to cut off some mighty man that might rise in the Coming generation and lead them out of bondage, behold! he had Moses, the very one who was to do the mischief, flourishing like a king in his own palace, and pouring out his own money to hire his mother to nurse him, charging her all the time to give that child every possible attention and to feed him on the very fat of the land. When Festus, immediately after his inauguration at Caesarea, went up to Jerusalem, and the Jewish magnates appealed to him, charging his predecessors with delinquency in duty, and urging him to popularize the very beginning of his administration by inflicting capital punishment against Paul, he assures them the matter shall receive his immediate attention, saying to them,

William B. Godbey, Commentary on the New Testament (1896–1900) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword module.

XXV: 1 5. The long imprisonment of Paul seems not in the least to have moderated the hatred of his enemies; but upon the change of governorship they renewed their efforts for his destruction. (1) “ Now when Festus had come into the province, after three days he went up from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. (2) And the high priest and the chief men of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him, (3) requesting as a favor against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, preparing an ambush to kill him on the way. (4) But Festus answered that Paul should be kept in Cæsarea, and that he himself would shortly depart thither. (5) Let the influential men among you, said he, go down with me, and if there is any thing wrong in this man, accuse him.” He further told them, as we learn from his speech to Agrippa, that it was contrary to Roman law to condemn a man to death before he had an opportunity for defense, face to face with his accusers. All this shows that Festus was, at this time, disposed to see justice done. He, of course, knew nothing of the plot to waylay Paul: for they kept this purpose concealed, while they professed another.

J. W. McGarvey (with Philip Y. Pendleton), Commentaries on the New Testament (The Fourfold Gospel, 1914; Acts; and the epistles) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.

1–6. When Festus was come into the province. Had become governor of Judea. The whole province of which Judea was a part was called Syria, and was ruled by a proconsul. The divisions of one of the great proconsulships were ruled by procurators, translated “governors.” Pontius Pilate, Felix and Festus are examples of the latter.

Then the high priest … informed him against Paul. Immediately after entering upon his government, Festus went from the Roman capital of Judea to its Jewish capital. The rulers did not lose this opportunity to prosecute Paul. Their aim was to have him transferred from Cæsarea to Jerusalem, and thus exposed to their murderous designs.

To kill him. This was the real object of their request. Those who will read the account of these times given by Josephus, a Jew of this period, will see that such a murderous purpose is not improbable. Their purpose was for the time baffled by the decision of Festus that the case must be tried before his court in Cæsarea instead of before the Sanhedrim.

Those who are able. Those possessing official power.

B. W. Johnson's The People's New Testament with Notes (1889–1891) — public domain. Electronic text from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library (CCEL) ThML edition.

Connecting Statement:

Paul continues to be a prisoner in Caesarea.

General Information:

Festus becomes the governor of Caesarea. See how you translated this name in Acts 24:27.

Now

This word marks the beginning of a new event in the story.

Festus entered the province

Possible meanings are 1) Festus arrived in the area to begin his rule or 2) Festus simply arrived in the area.

he went from Caesarea up to Jerusalem

The phrase "went up" is used here because Jerusalem is higher in elevation than Caesarea.

The chief priest and the prominent Jews brought accusations against Paul

This speaks about accusations as if they were an object that a person could bring to someone else. AT: "The chief priest and the important Jews accused Paul to Festus" (See: Metaphor)

they urged him and asked him for a favor

Here the word "him" refers to Festus.

that Festus might summon Paul to Jerusalem

This means that Festus would order his soldiers to bring Paul to Jerusalem. AT: "that he might order his soldiers to bring Paul to Jerusalem"

so that they could kill him along the way

They were going to ambush Paul.

translationWords

province

Caesarea

Jerusalem

chief priests

Jew

accuse

Paul

favor

unfoldingWord translationNotes — © Distant Shores Media and the Door43 World Missions Community, licensed CC BY-SA 4.0. Source: git.door43.org/Door43/en_tn.

Was come into the province [επιβας τη επαρχια] . Lit., having entered upon the province..

Marvin R. Vincent, Word Studies in the New Testament (1887–1900) — public domain. Text from a community e-Sword/MySword module.